Afghanistan and the US Imperialist Defeat

 

Introduction 

Placing the defeat of the US project in Afghanistan in the history of the current inter-imperialist conflict is essential to understand the world today and the unfolding realignment of world powers. What began as Carter’s bid to smash the USSR in a “Viet Nam” of their own, has ended six presidents later with a win for the China-Russia imperialist bloc; they have lost no time in recognizing the Taliban government.

The dynamic driving the current realignment is the long run struggle between the unfolding of the Permanent Revolution (PR) vs. the Permanent Counter-Revolution (PC-R). In short, the Permanent Revolution was first raised by Marx after the defeat of the 1848 revolutions in Europe. The bourgeoisie was no longer the revolutionary class. Henceforth the bourgeois revolution would be completed only by the proletarian revolution. Trotsky applied this concept in his theory/program of Permanent Revolution to Russia as a backward country. There the dynamic of combined and uneven development meant that the conquest of democracy, land reform and modernization of the forces of production, could not be accomplished by the  national bourgeoisie. It could only be won by the national revolution led by the proletariat asserting its class independence and rejection of political blocs with the bourgeoisie. Yet, Permanent Revolution would not be completed until it overcame national limits and became the full expression of a global communism. Against this prospect of Permanent Revolution the ruling class would unleash the full force of its Permanent Counter-Revolution.  

The Permanent Counter-Revolution includes retreats from historical materialism which accommodate capitalism both theoretically and practically. Marx and Engels challenged the PC-R in their critiques of the Paris Commune, Gotha and the Erfurt programs which bowdlerized Marx’s theories right out of Marxism. Luxembourg continued to challenge the PC-R in her struggle against the the Evolutionary Socialism (classic reformism) of Eduard Bernstein, and at the Zimmerwald and Kiental conferences revolutionary Marxism rejected the PC-R of the 2nd International as it collapsed in the face of inter-imperialist war. Then the revolutionary wing of the Bolsheviks (Lenin and Trotsky) had to fight for the 1917 October revolution against the PC-R  as it manifested inside their own central committee in Stalin, Zinoviev and Kamenev, whose retreat to Menshevik stageist theory has plagued the working class for over a century. The victory of the Stalinist bureaucracy made its accommodation with imperialism for its own interests, and as foreseen in The Revolution Betrayed has become the modern face of PC-R  restoring capitalism in Russia, China, Eastern Europe and Cuba. These restorations were counter-revolutions which gave imperialism the green light to conduct its endless war on terror against the masses of Eurasia – resuming the Great Game in the effort to contain Russia and China.

What was the course of the world socialist revolution during the imperialist epoch, and in particular the short 20th (Soviet) century 1917-1991? The advancing of Permanent Revolution has been stymied by bureaucratized Stalinist Communist Parties’ methodology which amounted to the revival of the Menshevik theory of revolution in stages based on a bloc with a ‘progressive bourgeoisie’ which limits the revolution to keep the ‘progressive’ bourgeoisie on board.   

During the pre-WWI period,  the first phase was the inter-Imperialist division of the world and the ongoing fight for Eurasia. Britain’s failure to take Afghanistan at the heart of Eurasia in 1880 was compensated by British and French finance capital takeover of Russia.  The Bolshevik revolution ended the British and French influence in Russia and carved out the Soviet. Then fascisms’ rise, the imperialist invasions of the USSR, along with the Stalinist theory of socialism in one country and the popular front with the “progressive” bourgeoisie, prevented the Permanent Revolution from becoming a world revolution. The Stalinised Soviet bloc survived the next war as the US replaced the UK as the leading imperialist power. Decolonisation tips the balance of the Permanent Revolution forward and races through Eurasia reaching China in 1949 and Vietnam in 1975. 

The end of the post-war boom and long crisis of the falling rate of profit (LTRPF) from the 1970’s onwards, tips the balance back back towards the PC-R as the Stalinist/Maoist bureaucracies’ ultimate trajectory arced toward stagnation and capitalist restoration. The US opens up China and Stalinism pushes both China and Russia towards restoration of capitalism. The end of 1989 marked a historic defeat as the US bloc finally brought the Soviet bloc to its knees. The defeat of Russia by the Mujahedeen in Afghanistan helped to bring an end to the ‘Bolshevik’ century. Capitalist counterrevolution engulfed the Eastern European deformed workers states and the Soviet bureaucratically degenerated workers states.  The deformed Chinese workers’ state followed shortly after. 

The “End of History” was declared yet the victory of capitalism was short lived as the mounting structural crisis of capitalism manifested as the ‘neoliberal’ counter revolution pushed the PR back. But it did not shift the scale decisively towards PC-R as the world historic victory of capitalism over socialism. Stalinism continued to play its counter-revolutionary role but its treachery in the face of neo-liberalism unleashed new waves of resistance to austerity. Notably, the rising Islamic movements which became objectively anti-imperialist; at least under the leadership of national bourgeois factions, as far as they needed to go to suppress the masses and collect their share of the super profits in client state deals with imperialism. But these client states did not always agree to imperialism’s terms. The US launched the Gulf War in 1990 against Iraq to replace Saddam Hussein and advance it’s aim to recolonize Russia and China and take Eurasia.  

The first war for Eurasia in MENA contributed to the fall of the Soviet bloc. The betrayal of the workers movement by both Stalinism and Pabloism left the anti-imperialist struggle to the leadership of radical Islam. After the brutal bombing of Iraq, the US could no longer use the Security Council to sanction its military adventures in MENA even though Russia and China feared radical Islam. Following the 9/11 attack on the Twin towers the invasion of Afghanistan defeated the Taliban and the ‘coalition of the willing’ occupied both Afghanistan and  Iraq as part of the encirclement and recolonization strategy aimed at Russia and China. But the US/NATO  failed to recolonize these former workers’ states which then emerged as new imperialist powers pushing them into an ‘endless War on Terror’ resulting in many defeats. Today Russia and China and its allies have much more influence in MENA and rule over Eurasia with the exception of India. So the fall of Kabul to the Taliban is the latest episode in the story of the imperialist wars for Eurasia. It reveals a resetting of the imperialist world pecking order in which the US bloc in relative decline refurbishes it’s NATO and QUAD alliances against the penetration of it’s sphere of influence, by the growing finance capital, Belt and Road initiatives, and military alliances of Russia and China. 

The USA falls into its own trap: 

The American war in Afghanistan, doomed from the beginning, has come to an end after 20 years of deployment at a human cost of approximately 155,000 killed directly in the armed conflict and 360,000 indirectly killed by disease, famine, and destroyed infrastructure. For the US taxpayer the financial cost of between two and four trillion has been spent during and/or committed for the aftermath. Your grandchildren can thank you for the taxes they will pay in debt service on loans rendered for the cost of the bloodletting, in an unnecessary criminal war.  

In matters of war and peace the CWG/ILTT seeks to organize the working class to take direct action to stop/defeat imperialist wars and interventions both overt and covert. We do not side with any imperialist power when they face off, we advocate dual defeatism. In imperialist aggression against semi-colonies we always advocate the defeat of the forces of imperialism.  In the aftermath of 9/11 we opposed the US interventions and have stood for the defeat of the US interventions for the duration. Despite finding ourselves in military blocs with a variety of objectively anti-imperialist forces on the ground we extend no political support to any forces other than those advancing workers socialist revolution. 

Despite massive mobilizations internationally, in over 600 cities in February, 2002, and an exemplary west coast port shutdown initiated by the ILWU on May Day 2008, in the main, the trade union bureaucracy and leadership kept  the labor movements’ tendencies against war in check. Tied to the pro-war imperialist Democratic party, labor was swept along in the nationalistic war fervor as freely distributed American flags were unfurled on lawns, flown from cars and windows everywhere and the perpetual re-run of media footage of the collapsing World Trade Center and its aftermath was etched on the consciousness of three generations.  

The defeat of the US project in Afghanistan is proof of the decline of US hegemony, its fading ability to project its power internationally and a reminder of the setback to the world revolution caused by the inter-imperialist jostling for control of the semi-colonies.  The victory of the Taliban is not a victory for the world revolution. At best it exposes the US as a paper tiger, at worst it imposes sharia law, loyalty to Islamic capitalists and acts to crush workers’ actions, working class political independence, secular, women’s rights, let alone LGBTQI+ rights. 

The anti-imperialist characteristic of the Taliban victory does not otherwise invest it with any progressive content. Put the other way, the only victory for the oppressed is U.S. imperialism’s defeat! The Taliban were not anti-imperialists in their early 1990s origins in Wahhabi Madrassas  in Pakistan. Their anti-imperialism was accidental, in the sense that it was entirely a blessing of the U.S. invasion! The arrogance of the U.S. capitalist class required a subsequent, exaggerated mission creep to satisfy a will to do what no foreign power had ever done, not even Alexander the Great. And of course, deliver colossal profits and benefit the military’s promotion lists.

The fallacy of bringing democracy to the “backward and unenlightened” has been exposed as fanciful propaganda for the gullible and the persistently wannabe believers in the veracity and legitimacy of western parliamentary democracy-as supra class institutions that are deliberative, judicious and derive their authority from the consent of the governed. This mystique crumbles as questions of war and peace are examined and considered from the historic interest of the international working class, its natural allies and their universal quest for prosperity, security and peace. The fanciful propaganda is decimated by the actual history hidden in plain sight. The strategy and tactics of the Kissingers, Brzezinskis, Wolfowitz, and Rumsfeld were never secrets from those willing to read, or even just take in a movie about Charlie Wilson’s war. 

Even the CIA’s own web pages show that twenty years into this mess 71% of Afghan adults are functionally illiterate, that childbirth mortality rates for mothers and children rank second and third in the world respectively, illegal child labor hovers at 25%, 36% of the population (9 million) live in absolute poverty, half the population has unimproved water sources and with 0.21 of a doctor per 1000 people;  more people die each year of poverty than the armed conflict.  It is no wonder neither the 300,000 US trained troops nor the  population found reason to defend Ashraf Ghani or stop the advance of the Taliban. Like the ARVN in South Vietnam many of these alleged troops were  “ghost soldiers” who were never actually mobilized, just numbers padding the books with their salaries collected by corrupt commanders.[Economist 8/21/2021] They didn’t run away…they were never there!

In a country of 39 million this spending (2.3-4$Trillion) is the equivalent of $108,000 dollars per person. Considering the workforce, some 15 million with a median annual earning (salary) of $10,760, if the four trillion were equally distributed as direct aid it could easily have doubled the median income and gone a long way toward lifting the average Afghani out of misery and undercut much of the poverty-induced  recruiting to the Taliban and other zealot forces. But that is not how foreign spending or aid is meant to work. Most military spending never leaves the United States; rather it enriches the shareholders of Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Raytheon, General Dynamics and Northrop Grumman and the banks that provide the loans for the expenditure. 

The criminal terror attacks on 9/11, by Saudi nationals, in NYC, Washington DC and over Pennsylvania was the excuse for entry into Afghanistan, yet, there was always more to the picture than meets the eye. Sold to the American people and rallied to by US imperialism’s allies as a “war against terror,” the actual world historic purpose of the wars in Afghanistan and  Iraq as well as the bombing of Libya, Syria and, even prior to 9/11, Bosnia, were preventative against the threat of ‘permanent revolution’– the emergence of an anti-imperialist united front composed of workers and poor peasant/farmers as an anti-capitalist force in the Islamic world (MENA). The Arab, Persian and African semi-colonies, controlled by comprador bourgeoisie and vestigial monarchies had not fully consolidated the bourgeois democratic revolutions and consequently had not accomplished meaningful/effective land reform, secured basic democratic rights or more than nominal national independence from imperialism; tasks revolutionary Marxism postulates can only be accomplished by revolutionary socialist  workers governments.   

The rightist ultra-conservative “Project for the New American Century” penned by the Kristol /Wolfowitz gang in 1997 projected endless wars to ensure ongoing US hegemony into the 21st century. This was a plan for how to spend the “peace dividend” after the fall of the USSR. Their project required what  9/11 provided, a “Pearl Harbor” like moment, their clueless puppet Bush the second  needed to put a final nail in the coffin of the Vietnam syndrome, a lingering undercurrent of anti-war sentiment  in the American consciousness, counter-culture and  particularly among the specially oppressed Black and Brown sectors of the working class.  Indeed, it did not take much for the Democrats to jump on board and provide bipartisan  consensus both in intent and action. Bipartisanship in the wars against terror gave the national imperial consensus some breathing room despite the objective decline in US power.  

The victory of the Vietnamese people over the US expeditionary forces in 1975 marked the end of Pax Americana and coincided with the end of the post war economic boom. For a decade  the US suffered growing balance of trade deficits and this led to the end of the gold standard,  the 1971 death of the Brenton Woods agreement, and the US leaking gold to Europe and Japan, which were both accumulating great dollar reserves. Keynesianism had reached its limits of affordability and was no longer effectively offsetting the consequences of the tendency of the rate of profit to fall. To offset America’s relative hegemonic decline the era of neoliberalism, privatizations, monetarism, supply side and Laffer curve Reaganomics, Rogernomics, and Thatcherite offensives against organized labor presaged and coincided with the fall of the Soviet Union and the ascent of the “capitalist roaders” in China. France and Germany initiated the Euro as a counterweight to the dollar while Russia and China pushed to expand the IMF basket of currencies with the Renminbi added in 2016. 

The wave of decolonization spanning from the end of WWII until the victory of the National Liberation Front in Vietnam, ended outright direct “legal” colonialism in most countries of the  global south but kept them subordinated to western imperialism by renewed or newly forged alliances and deals with local comprador ruling capitalists. While often espousing anti-imperialist and even socialist ideologies they kept the workers, peasants, students and intellectuals under control, prevented socialist revolutions from emerging and allowed the under-development to continue as the industrialized “advanced” imperialist nations jockeyed for the rights to extract raw materials and super-profits from the former colonies–now their semi-colonies. 

Afghanistan, one of the poorest countries in the world, with a small working class, upwards of 12 distinct ethnic groups, sits on top of vast mineral wealth, valued between 1-3 trillion dollars, that advanced industry covets and is strategically landlocked in  between three former Soviet States to the north, China to the east via the Wakhan Corridor, Pakistan to the south and east and Iran to the west. Afghanistan does not have the capital, technology or infrastructure to exploit this wealth. It has long been understood that when the fighting dies down China will be the primary beneficiary and has figured this into the calculus of the Belt and Road Initiative since inception.  And while the declining hegemon USA and its allies wasted trillions in unwinnable military projects across MENA, China grew from an underdeveloped to an emergent imperialism and ultimately a great economic power in its own right. 

The petty bourgeois nationalist Taliban (“the students”), the Pakistani ISI-generated Pashtun successors to the Mujahedeen who allegedly “drove the Soviets” out of Afghanistan in 1989, harbored Al-Qaeda and Bin-Laden’s armed Sunni Islamist movement, committed to driving western imperialism out of Islamic countries and establishing Islamic states, while it prepared terror attacks against the west including 9/11. Like other Islamist movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood, Hezbollah, and Hamas,  al-Qaeda is deemed a terrorist organization by the UN security council as well as many nations including the USA, China, Russia, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Iran, Israel and on through to Vietnam.  While differences exist between and within the Islamist movement over emphasis on creating pan Arab Islamic states, a new Califate, and/or prioritizing sharia law, an unstable unity between Wahhabism and Salafism emerged around loyalty to the House of Saud in Saudi Arabia, at least until some became republicans. This loyalty is shared by both Islamists and the US ruling class,  as demonstrated by regular obligatory visits of 13 US Presidents with the royalty of Riyadh. From FDR to Trump, Democrats and Republicans alike hosted and were feted by the House of Saud cementing and sanctioning its place in the global order despite their brutality, lack of democracy and institutionalized patriarchal subordination of women. 

The “socialist experiment in Afghanistan” that wasn’t

In 1973, Daoud Khan, the former Prime Minister of Afghanistan,  organized a bloodless coup, abolished the monarchy and set up a secular government. Khan sought closer ties to the Soviets for strategic reasons to get control of Pashtun lands in northwest Pakistan, something not wished by Moscow, and in any event not possible without Permanent Revolution. This is a lesson in the foreign policy objectives of states, which when objectively real, do not change. Only the possibility changes. Many national questions across this region are far from resolved, the maps largely reflecting the Raj era. 

In 1978 , the Peoples Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) killed Khan and his family in the Saur revolution with the help of military officers who supported PDPA. The PDPA was a petty-bourgeois political party with some formal commitment to Marxism, although they disavowed being labelled as communist and called themselves “national democratic” instead.  The PDPA in power was composed of the urban intelligentsia and lacked a social base among the peasantry or the numerically small urban working class. Their politics in action were a  series of bourgeois democratic reforms: notably women’s rights (education, jobs, health, abolition of the bride price), cancellation of peasant debts and land reform. It was this which provoked Islamist reaction by the landowners and the mullahs against the PDPA government.  The mujahedeen rebels were supported by the CIA while the Soviet Union provided thousands of  military advisers to the PDPA government.  

The Soviet invasion in 1979 was part of Stalinist realpolitik, not the extension of the gains of 1917 to Afghanistan. The Stalinist bureaucracy had long ago abandoned any perspective of world socialist revolution…as they had decades earlier dissolved the Comintern as even a border guard for socialism in one country, after disarming it in the 1930’s as the world party of proletarian revolution. The Soviet bureaucracy had been alarmed at the petty-bourgeois nationalist PDPA and their (largely ineffective) reforms. The political goal in 1979 was to replace the then-prime minister Amin, (who had put out feelers to the US for support) of the PDPA Khalq faction and installing Karmal’s government.  Karmal was a leader of the more moderate PDPA Parcham faction.  

Soviet foreign policy did nothing ultimately, for the oppressed. Much like in Eastern Europe after WW2, the intention was not to carry out socialist revolution. Such social gains as became fruits of Kabul policy were either initiated by the Saur revolution or forced upon Stalinism by the dictates of battle. This is not to say the Russian intervention was either reactionary or imperialist. These characterizations are made by Stalinophobes, some of whom came into conflict with Trotsky during his lifetime over exactly these wrong, “3rd camp” conceptions. Trotskyism would have offered a military support bloc to the PDPA. As limited as its program was, exactly ‘national democratic’, we could not support more than some of its slogans and campaigns. It was a leash on the revolution, not a solution to the crisis of proletarian leadership. The problem was not the Stalinism of the PDPA’s new left ideas; or not nearly the problem of the necessity for Political Revolution in the U.S.S.R. Troops sent to Afghanistan ultimately fulfilled Brzezinski's wet dream of a Russian Viet Nam. Whereas we contend that even Afghanistan had the potential to spark this social revolt, beginning in independent trade unions and the formation of soviets! 

Instead of bringing massive industry, agricultural machinery and irrigation, roads, schools, medicine infrastructure to Afghanistan and expanding the industrial proletariat and winning over the peasantry, resolving the national questions, and carrying through a social revolution, the Soviets tried to resolve the crisis through military means. This was removed from the policies of the early Soviet workers state of Lenin and Trotsky when the gains of October were extended into Central Asia. The Stalinists ran away from the task.  Stalinism served as the gravedigger of the revolution yet again. 

Afghanistan is a perfect example of the validity of Trotsky’s theory of Permanent Revolution: that in the colonial/semi-colonial countries of combined and uneven development, the tasks of the bourgeois democratic revolution can only be carried through by the working class as part of the socialist revolution. The national bourgeoisie is too weak and too tied to social backwardness on the one side and foreign imperialism on the other to carry through their historic tasks. Land reform; one person, one vote; formal bourgeois democratic rights for women; national independence and national self-determination for the ethnic nations could only come about in Afghanistan through socialist revolution. 

There could be no Stalinist two-stage revolution carried out by the native bourgeoisie in Afghanistan. This native bourgeoisie was largely a landowner class. The petty-bourgeois PDPA lacked a social base among the masses in a country with little industry and a numerically small urban proletariat. Even a revolutionary workers government in Afghanistan with a base in the working class and peasantry would have had to have quickly inspired workers revolutions throughout the region in order to survive for long. But that is the last thing the Stalinist bureaucracy in the Soviet Union wanted, as socialist revolution in Afghanistan could very well have inspired workers’ political revolution in the Soviet Union.

US intervention begins with Zbigniew Brzezinski!

Brzezinski was Carter’s National Security Advisor. He saw the reactionary opposition, even as riven with warlordism divisions as it was, as an opportunity to cause big trouble on the Russian border. His theory was ‘Jihadism’ was a threat of a secondary order to the U.S., whereas Cold War prosecution was primary. U.S. covert support (which was perhaps intentionally not very covert), began BEFORE the dispatch of Soviet troops. This permitted Brzezinski to crow that he had sucked Russia into Afghanistan by design. As soon as this happened he went there and made a video with the mujahedeen praising them and saying the U.S. supported Jihad and praising them as “freedom fighters.”

Here was the U.S. completely captured by its own propaganda. The Russian movement across the border was inspired by Moscow’s own motives! Our opponents, Stalinophile and Stalinophobe  both get this wrong, giving Washington’s version undeserved credibility. This remains the position of the Spartacist League Stalinophiles, the impossible “Hail the Red Army” policy, while the RCIT buys Brzezinski's latter day narrative that U.S. support for the Mujahedin was a RESPONSE to the soviet incursion. Hint: Zbig was selling his idea of causing a “Russian Viet Nam” first. Even Trump and Putin retailed the idea in 2020 that Russia had to invade for the security of the USSR (a southern buffer against US encirclement, resistance to Pashtun nationalism).

Forty two years later, in a world without a USSR and with 20 years of mission creep, you can well ask the Democrat pro-imperialist girls and boys who are thrilled by Biden’s every move, with two weeks plus (8/17+) of the last days including rooftop helicopter evacuations, WHOSE Viet Nam is it now?!   

For Socialist Revolution Throughout Central Asia!

The future for the peoples of Afghanistan does not look bright in the near term. Women's rights, workers rights, unions, democratic rights, all will suffer Islamist reaction in the most brutal forms. The mostly foreign, super zealots of the IS-K will be plunging the country into renewed confessional civil war, as promised, the moment the last U.S. jet transports are gone. 

Soon we expect the country to be under the thumb of Chinese imperialism; This may be the result of the capital boycotts of the World Bank, IMF and European Union, and may take different and/or  combined forms, bringing industry, particularly mining. It is an open question whether China will export some of its unemployed there, even to the exclusion of hiring locals. But we believe the prevailing tendency in time must be an expansion of the proletariat. And with this the expansion of objective revolutionary potential. This is a bigger defeat for the U.S.-led bloc of imperialists than many realize, and not just a re-prioritizing to a pivot to the Pacific. We will see big strides by China to accomplish its ‘belt and road’ project all the way to Africa.

Champions of the workers’ revolution will fight for women’s rights to equality in every sphere,  unite with the peasantry by standing for land to the peasants, fight for right of self-determination for the Pashtuns, the Tajiks, the Hazaras, the Uzbeks and the other ethnic nationalities, demand one person, one vote, trade union rights, champion jobs for all and organize a revolutionary militant labor party to wage the  battles to secure these rights and all political power, so as to render international capital powerless to thwart the human future.. 

A workers revolution in Afghanistan would inspire the powerful Iranian, Pakistani and  South and central Asian working class to overthrow their own ruling classes and unite the workers in the region in a Socialist Federation of Central Asia..  

For Class Struggle Here At Home to Oppose US Imperialism Abroad!

The US working class has a role to play to achieve world peace. That role requires political independence from the capitalist parties that build and sustain the war industries, map inter-imperialist geo-strategies and launch wars and covert actions against workers’ rebellions and national liberation struggles.

Let the Afghan refugees into the United States!  

We call for mass mobilizations, strikes, and mass occupations of factories, ports, rail yards and air bases to shut down the armaments industry and hot-cargo their wares. The liberal call to put the escaping Afghans on Guam is UNACCEPTABLE, and is the version 3.0 of our bourgeoisie’s racist Muslim ban! LET THEM IN! we say.

We demand the closing of the 800 military bases U.S. imperialism maintains internationally in projecting its might against workers, national liberation struggles and preparing for inter-imperialist conflict and otherwise securing their geo-strategic goals.

We identify soldiers, sailors and air force personnel as workers in uniform. We call on workers in uniform to build rank and file “Come Home Now” movements on all bases here and abroad. We call on the workers in uniform to elect your own leaders, hold your own assemblies and fraternize with the so-called enemy. We support all workers in uniform who act as whistle blowers, refuse illegal orders, defend civilians and arrest officers.  We call for union organizing drives! We say turn the military peace movement into an enlisted service members’ union!  We say labor should control the armed forces, not the imperialist-controlled Pentagon. 

U.S. Out of  South/Central Asia, the Middle East and North Africa!

The CWG-USA calls on workers to build class struggle caucuses in all workplaces to remove the trade union bureaucrats tied to the Democrats and to pass resolutions in locals, district councils, national and international unions and federations to convene congresses of workers representatives to form a fighting Workers/Labor Party in the USA that fights for a Workers Government. 

Only a victorious socialist revolution in the USA can end US imperialist wars once and for all. A new revolutionary workers International is needed to organize the fight against all inter-imperialist wars as well as wars against the semi-colonial/colonial countries and peoples. Workers of the world unite!