Wednesday, December 09, 2009

South Africa: SACP hand in glove with Imperialism



  
Ensuring the hegemony of imperialism- (response to the SACP’s “Building working class hegemony on the terrain of the national democratic struggle”)


As world capitalism faces one of its worst crises ever, it has recruited the trade union leadership, the reformists, the fake Trotskyists and the Stalinists (like the SACP) to help contain the proletariat from taking the revolutionary road. There have been revolutionary uprisings to varying degrees, such as in Argentina (2001), Bolivia (2003-2005), Zimbabwe (2008), Greece, Guadaloupe, Madagascar, and now in Tonghua China (where the metalworkers kicked to death their boss when he came to tell them that 25 000 of the 30 000 workers would be retrenched when the State factory was due to be privatized; the workers occupied the factory and the main highways and the state was forced to reverse the privatization). The Obama coup in Honduras shows that while imperialism will use the reformist leadership and the Bolovarians when it suits them, but the depth of the crisis is such that fascistic means will be used to push the capitalist crisis onto the backs of the working class if necessary. The attacks by the ANC on the Abahlali should be seen in this broader context. Uprisings first start at the extremities before spreading to the heartlands- imperialism knows this. Thus on an international scale there is an open allegiance of the forces of imperialism with reformist leaderships within the workers’ movement. (see various articles on our website www.workersinternational.org.za ). 

In South Africa today, the SACP represents the continuity of Stalinism in that they use socialist phraseology to cover their role as the main agency within the workers’ movement to ensure the continued hegemony of imperialism. It follows that a fundamental critique of the SACP’s politics is a necessity for the world proletarian movement. There are also a number of workers and youth who are taken in by this socialist phraseology and it is to them that we direct this critique.

What are the main arguments of the SACP?
  1. The current state is not capitalist but ‘developmental’
  2. After the achievement of partial democratic gains in 1994, it is still necessary for an alliance of the working class (SACP and Cosatu) with the black middle class and black capitalist class (ANC) to complete the struggle for full democratic programme of the proletarian programme;
  3. The ANC leads the alliance in the struggle for the completion of the democratic demands;
  4. Deployment of SACP and Cosatu leaders to every level of the state is a key mechanism for ensuring that working class interest are heard and implemented; this is the start of building key aspects of Socialism now.
  5. We should not strive to become like the advanced capitalist states (as this would damage the world’s environment) but more like South Korea.
  6. They claim to be fighting for a Socialist South Africa;

The state is capitalist not ‘developmental’
The SA economy and in particular all the major means of production, is controlled by imperialism, and in particular through Anglo American, Liberty Life, Old Mutual, Rembrandt and Sanlam- every single one of these companies are controlled by imperialism. For example, the major control of Anglo American is held by JP Morgan Chase bank of the USA; JP Morgan Chase has a significant shareholding of the SA Reserve bank; many of the local goldmines have significant shareholding held by the Bank of New York, etc etc. Whoever controls the means of production, is by definition, the ruling class, in this case, it is imperialism. The state acts in its interest to ensure its hegemony. The hegemony of imperialism is demonstrated by the repatriation of over R200bn in profits each year from SA, while the masses live in abject poverty and in a permanent state of starvation.
The very notion of a ‘democratic state’ implies a capitalist state. This is supported by Lenin in his State and Revolution, when he wrote:

A democratic republic is the best possible shell for capitalism, and therefore, once capital has gained control (through the Palchinskys, Chernovs, Tseretelis and Co) of this very best shell, it establishes power so firmly that no change, either of persons, or institutions, or parties in the bourgeois republic can shake it.”

In every bourgeois democracy, even the limited one in SA, the state acts to conceal the rule of the capitalist class and controls the masses through various agencies within the workers’ movement, such as the trade union leadership, bourgeois parties, various brands of left-sounding parties and in our case, the Stalinist SACP. The false notion of a ‘developmental’ state is to hide the partnership of the SACP with imperialism.

The bourgeoisie and petti bourgeoisie are an obstacle to the completion of the democratic demands
The references in the Freedom Charter to the ‘people’ (see our critique of the Freedom Charter), includes in its scope the capitalist and the worker. In this sense it is similar to the programme of the French bourgeoisie in the 1789 revolution, for ‘Liberty, Equality, Fraternity’, but with important differences. The French revolution took place while capitalism was advancing and developing, while the Freedom Charter was developed in the period when capitalism is already in decay. That the Freedom Charter is the programme of the black petti bourgeois is shown by the following statement by Mandela in the June edition of the Liberator magazine in 1956, one year after the adoption of the Charter:

‘Whilst the Charter proclaims democratic changes of a far reaching nature, it is by no means a blueprint for a socialist state, but a programme for the unification of various classes and groupings amongst the people on a democratic basis. Under socialism the workers hold state power. They and the peasants own the means of production, land, the factories and the mills. All production is for use and not for profit. The Charter does not contemplate such profound economic and political changes. Its declaration “The people shall govern!” visualizes the transfer of power not to any single social class but to all the people of the country be they workers, peasants, professional men or petty-bourgeoisie.
            It is true that in demanding the nationalisation of the banks, the gold mines and the land the Charter strikes a fatal blow at the financial and gold-mining monopolies and farming interests that have for centuries plundered the country and condemned its people to servitude. But such a step is absolutely imperative and necessary because the realisation of the Charter is inconceivable, in fact impossible, unless and until these monopolies are first smashed up and the national wealth of the country turned over to the people. The breaking up and democratisation of these monopolies will open up fresh fields for the development of a prosperous Non-European bourgeois class. For the first time in the history of the country the Non-European bourgeoisie will have the opportunity to own in their own name and right mills and factories, and trade and private enterprise will boom and flourish as never before. To destroy these monopolies means the termination of the exploitation of vast sections of the populace by mining kings and land barons and there will be a general rise in living standards of the people. It is precisely because the Charter offers immense opportunities for an overall movement in the material conditions of all classes and groups that it attracts such wide support.’


It follows from this, that placing the ANC as the leadership of the alliance, puts the leadership of the completion of the bourgeois democratic demands, in the hands of the black petti bourgeoisie and black bourgeoisie.

The entire history of Africa has shown that, in this epoch of imperialist decay, the petti bourgeois and bourgeois are incapable of completing even a single democratic demand. The coming to power of all the national liberation movements across Africa, has been on the backs of struggles of the working class and poor peasantry. Every single leadership of the liberation movements in Africa turned their backs on the masses and occupied the role of local ruler on behalf of imperialism; in fact the capitalist world division of labour by imperialism is the reason why Africa has been kept in its position as a provider primarily of unprocessed raw goods and minerals. This is a direct result of the hegemony of world imperialism capitalism over Africa. Any domestic policy that claims to want to develop industry in any way, has to challenge the hegemony of imperialism.

Across Africa, the policy of world Stalinism has been to promote the subjugation of the working class to leadership of the black petti bourgeoisie (see our article on Pan Africanism). This has been one of the key mechanisms for ensuring imperialist hegemony on the continent.

Lenin, writing in 1905 has this to say: ‘ the winning of a democratic republic, will be the complete end of the revolutionism of the bourgeoisie, and even of the petti bourgeoisie’. This is because the bourgeoisie and petti bourgeoisie have a vested interest in maintaining current relations of exploitation. This is the class basis for the ultra-right conservative grouping within the ANC. These are bourgeois and petti bourgeois elements who will defend their privilege at all costs.

Fifteen years of the rise of the black bourgeoisie in SA (alongside a privileged layer of the black petti bourgeoisie) has resulted in not only the maintenance of capitalist inequality but its extension so that SA is today the most unequal society in the world. A few of the elite have become overnight billionaires, while life expectancy for the vast majority of the population has come down to 47 years.

The billionaire minister of Human unsettlement has shares in Group 5, the capitalist company building the Mbombela stadium in Mpumalanga; while Group 5 and other construction monopolies has made billions of profits from building a few stadiums, the number of families without housing has risen from 1,4 million (1994) to 1,8 million (2008); 2 schools were demolished to make way for the Mbombela stadium and they have still not been rebuilt.

The main shareholders of Sasol are imperialist banks such as JP Morgan Chase and others; millions in profits are being siphoned off by Sasol, while they charge the working class (40% of usage in SA) way above their cost of production (at most USD15 per barrel); Empowerment companies, including from CCEPWAWU and Cosatu have shares in Sasol and share in the continued plunder of the rest of the working class.

Virtually every sector of the economy has stakes given to the black bourgeoisie and petti bourgeoisie; with this cover, well over 2 million workers have been retrenched since 1994 (virtually 1 million under the new Polokwane administration). More workers have been dismissed under the regime of the black petti bourgeoisie than in the slave capitalist era before 1994. This shows the collapse of the struggle for democratic demands rather than the black petti bourgeois or bourgeois being able to advance it.

In Lenin’s April Theses (1917) he argued that the regime of the February 1917 revolution, led by the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries, were incapable of completing the most pressing democratic demands of the masses, in their case, for land, bread and peace. What was necessary was for the working class to seize power to give effect to these democratic demands- this was the essence of the October revolution in Russia. The working class is the only class that has the interests to complete the democratic tasks posed by the masses.  Africa, by the negative examples, also prove it; the past 15 years of ANC government also prove it. No support for the February government, was the watchword of Lenin, not creating illusions of ‘working class hegemony at all levels of the state’ as the Menshevik SACP CC tries to promote.

The black bourgeoisie and petti bourgeoisie is so interconnected with and tied to imperialism, that to give them the task of completing the struggle for democratic demands, is to strangle, even the democratic revolution.

The SACP leaders quote Engels on the abolition of differences between town and country- but in the Housing question, Engels is clear that such abolition cannot occur under capitalist relations, in other words a revolution, with the working class taking power is required as the first step, not with co-option in the capitalist system that perpetuates the very divergence between town and country. ( “As long as the capitalist mode of production continues to exist, it is folly to hope for an isolated solution of the housing question or of any other social question affecting the fate of the workers. The solution lies in the abolition of the capitalist mode of production and the appropriation of all the means of life and labour by the working class itself.” End of part 2: Engels – The Housing Question)

But for the working class to contest for power, Communists needs to organized independently of the capitalist state and with a programme against it; Exposure of the state should be the watchword as we fight for our programme of our demands (democratic and socialist). No confidence to the capitalist state! This would be how the April Thesis would be expressed today. This is what some of the rank and file of the SACP were expressing when they were arguing that the SACP contest elections independently of the ANC.

Of course, some far sighted members of the SACP would want to contest elections and become part of bourgeois Cabinets for their own interest, but this does not negate that the discussions on elections are not mere tactical differences, but deep programmatic differences. A river of blood between them.

On the Constitutional illusions promoted by the SACP CC
When examining the views of the SACP CC on their occupying of all levels of the state, it is useful to examine what Lenin wrote in 1917 (Constitutional illusions)
When lashing the petty-bourgeois “Social-Democrats” of 1848, Marx was particularly severe in his condemnation of their unrestrained use of empty phrases about “the people” and the majority of the people in general. It is well to recall this in examining the second idea, in analysing constitutional illusions about a “majority”.
For the majority in the state to really decide, definite conditions are required, one of which is the firm establishment of a political system, a form of state power, making it possible to decide matters by a majority and guaranteeing the translation of this possibility into reality. That is one thing. Another is that the class composition of this majority and the interrelation of classes inside (and outside) it should enable it to draw the chariot of state concertedly and effectively.

If political power in the state is in the hands of a class whose interests coincide with those of the majority, that state can be governed truly in line with the will of the majority. But if political power is in the hands of a class whose interests diverge from those of the majority, any form of majority rule is bound to become deception or suppression of the majority. Every bourgeois republic provides hundreds and thousands of examples of this kind.”

Firstly, the pre-conditions by imperialism for the negotiated settlement to take place was for the protection of private property, or the rule of the capitalist class to continue. The political system thus prevents any guarantee of the rule of the majority; the ANC being a multi-class organization means that their interest diverge from that of the majority. The continued super-profits of imperialism while the masses are in starvation is clear evidence of the rule or rather the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, not of the real will of the majority.

Lenin in his State and Revolution wrote that no amount of tinkering with the system, or occupation of any level of the capitalist state would change its nature, whether it was a constitutional monarchy or the most free bourgeois democracy.

The policy of the SACP CC is to tie the working class to the capitalist state, thereby ensuring the continued imperialist hegemony.

By 2001 to 2007 the number of protests in communities in SA increased dramatically, the SACP and Cosatu leaders realized that the ANC government was suffering from a crisis of legitimacy in the eyes of the masses; the SACP spearheaded the removal of Mbeki and his replacement with another nationalist, this was the essence of the ANC Polokwane conference in 2008, the creation of another illusion that the 1996 ‘class project’ was ending and a pro-worker one was now commencing. Judging from the 2009 election manifesto and the actions of the current regime, the class project of imperialism is continuing- shooting of strikers and protestors, bulldozing of 2 schools in Matafeni township (and refusal to even say when they will be rebuilt) to make way for the Mbombela 2010 stadium; hundreds of thousands of workers retrenched; pushing of the R787bn infrastructure scam (with no programme for housing and electricity for all), etc etc, are all ample evidence of this.

The essence of the programme for ‘working class hegemony’ by engaging all levels of the state, reveals that the path of the SACP to working class hegemony goes through parliament, does not require revolution, and implies a peaceful transition to socialism, and thus in reality gives up on Socialism. Not only this, but the path to Socialism takes place in one country, without having to launch any revolutionary struggle against imperialism capitalism. Contrary to its claims of ‘challenging and transforming the systemic features of capitalism itself’, the SACP justifies to capitulation to imperialism and becomes the conveyor belt for the burden of its crisis to be placed on the backs of the working class.

The programme of the SACP CC advances the interests of imperialism
The ‘national’ democratic revolution has its origins in the struggles of the colonies and semi-colonies against imperialism. The essence of this programme was expropriation or expulsion of imperialism and nationalization of the land so that the peasants and small farmers would have land to farm, etc.

The CPSA/SACP adapted this programme to not be a programme against imperialism but in SA for the ‘black’ nation to be fighting for liberation from the ‘white’ nation. In essence this meant directing all struggles so that the black petti bourgeoisie were incorporated into the existing capitalist system. Thus the SACP promoted the struggle as one being against ‘apartheid’ (separateness) instead of being against slave capitalist relations.

The first expression of the Stalinist programme was the alliance of the Chinese Communist party behind the leadership of the bourgeois nationalist Kuomintang against the imperialist forces in the late 1920’s. The Stalinist policy of peaceful ‘coexistence’ with imperialism meant that all struggles outside of the USSR were to be subordinate to continued capitalist rule; thus all alliances were with bourgeois forces and struggles were directed to stay within the capitalist system. This is the political origin of the alliance of the SACP, Cosatu with the ANC.

The programme that the SACP CC propose is consistent with the maintenance of imperialist hegemony. The support of the recent Budget review which is thoroughly capitalist (see our review) is but one example.
We summarise the main points of the SACP CC document:
  1. The so-called industrial policy is a hostage to imperialist control- there are no plans to challenge imperialism in any fundamental way; The R787 bn expenditure is nothing but a massive bailout of imperialism, who will benefit from the contracts to build these power stations that are not needed as well as from the maintenance and fueling projects that go together with this- all this in a time when alternatives exist such as hydro-power from the DRC (200 000 MW- enough to double Africa’s capacity) as well as solar power.
  2. Even the limited land redistribution of 30%, if it continues at the same pace will take another 60 years at least; instead of abolishing rural and town disparities, only petty handouts are planned for rural areas; no fundamental plan to address the racially segregated areas; no plan for housing for all, not even adequate electricity for all (and not the homelite shack connections that cannot be used for cooking or heating) ;
  3. No plans for shorter working day nor of sharing work among all those who can work;
  4. The overall structure of capitalist education is not touched but privatization (such as the college system) is promoted; the SACP promotes the myth that a capitalist education is the avenue to a better life for all, while the structure of education reflects the parasitic pyramid of capitalist society and provides a cover for big capital to justify the huge wage disparities in the capitalist market.
  5. The SACP document is deafeningly silent on the right of soldiers to be unionized- one of the few gains of the struggle up to now; yet the Cabinet, including SACP and worker ministers have come out against this. The SACP leadership goes further by calling for participation in community policing forums. In the context of a ‘shoot to kill’ culture promoted by the ANC government, the SACP leaders are calling for working class participation in the crackdown on community and worker resistance.
  6. There is no programme for the proletarian revolution in Swaziland, Lesotho, Botswana, Namibia, DRC, Angola, Mozambique, etc.
  7. The perspective of the SACP CC is nationalist and has no vision of the importance of socialist revolution in the imperialist centres (see Lenin Oct 1920: “We always staked our play on an international revolution and this was unconditionally right…We always emphasized the fact that in one country it is impossible to accomplish such a work as a socialist revolution” and Feb 1921: “We have always repeatedly pointed out that to the workers that the underlying chief task and basic condition of our victory is the propagation of the revolution at least to several of the more advanced countries”.

On the National Health Insurance (NHI): the SACP has been championing this cause. The first question is why should it be an insurance when the promise was made in 1994 for free health care; Despite relating all the disparities of the current health system, the NHI will not take over any private health facilities or Medical Aids- in fact it promises to allow them to continue- this means that, despite the anti-capitalist rhetoric, profiteering will continue in the health sector. What is even worse is that, with all the cutbacks in public spending (already the Cosatu and SACP leaders allowed the President to unilaterally reduce the public sector wage increase from 8% to 7%), there will be little funds to build up the public health sector. Thus the nett effect of the NHI will be an additional tax (say 10%) on workers who do not have medical Aid, and seeing that the public hospitals are overcrowded, there will be a dramatic increase of patients into private clinics, who will treat patients for as long as they have credits. All the private institutions will do is hike their fees continually so their profit levels will be boosted. Leaving the private health sector intact means that the NHI will provide super-profits for them and will be another mechanism to bail out the imperialist banks (who control and profiteer from this sector, such as First Rand, State Street, Sanlam, JP Morgan Chase, RMB, etc). The nett effect will be that instead of only 14 % of the population using the private health clinics, this will be substantially higher, without the guarantee that the quality of care will be adequate, or that patients will be treated until they are well (when their credits run out, the patients would be told to leave). It is significant that the SACP refers uncritically to the June 2009 Obama health plan; in the USA there are over 34 million people excluded from the existing health insurance; Obama’s plan is to reach out to those excluded and smaller businesses, providing another channel for bailing out the imperialist banks that control the health sector (more patients to the private hospitals mean more profits to them- the patients will get a minimum treatment until their credits run out); for example (Pfizer and Johnson &Johnson) the 2 biggest drug companies in the world are in the US and are 60% controlled by banks and other financial institutions (such as State Street, Barclays, Vanguard, Fidelity, Northern Trust, etc). Research in health is dominated by the monopolies, eg, the Lung Institute at UCT is under the wing of German drug company Boeringher Ingelheim, etc etc. Without a plan for jobs for all and housing for all, with all the above considered, both the Obama and ANC-SACP NHI plan are merely bailouts for finance capital. For the rural worker, where there are no private facilities, the NHI would merely mean an extra tax without any improvement in service. There is likely to be a spike in ‘emergency room’ procedures as the private institutions milk the state coffers dry.  A serious health plan would have expropriated the health sector and removed the profit motive from it- placing it under workers’ control. The SACP leadership’s proposal is for a further tax on workers to fill the pockets of finance capital; similar to the Mzantsi campaign which resulted in 3 million more bank accounts for workers who now hand over R30 million in monthly fees to the banking gangsters, for doing virtually nothing.

In short, using progressive sounding phrases, the programme of imperialist domination is being assured by the SACP CC.

The future is South Korea- build it now, says the SACP leaders
The Mensheviks used to quote Marx to hide their reformism. They liked to quote: “ The industrially more developed country shows the less developed only the image of its own future.” They used this quote from Marx to say that all countries have to go through a period of capitalism to become advanced. While the SACP CC also argues that workers should not take power now, that we need a period of capitalist development, but we should not aim to become as developed as the US or UK (as the world environment would not sustain it) but aim to become more like South Korea.

South Korea is a police state, which regularly suppresses the union movement, it is completely under the thumb of US and Japanese imperialism, dependent on it for every bit of technology that it uses. Such is the abandonment of the SACP CC of even the democratic programme, such is their total submission to imperialism.

In South Africa, Zimbabwe, France and elsewhere, imperialism prepares new agencies, under the guise of anti-capitalist parties, to once again control the working class; they realize that as their current alliance partners become discredited by their open collaboration against the working class, they need to prepare the ground to remain in control.

Imperialism moves on the international terrain to counter any revolutionary working class international from taking root, through the counter-revolutionary World Social Forum. There are now new initiatives afoot. In November Chavez hosted several left parties as part of a call for the fifth International- this is one of the insurance policies of imperialism, to use the name of socialism, to once more contain the world working class from once and for all overthrowing world capitalism. Lenin, in his ‘The tasks of Revolutionary Social Democracy in the European war’ (Aug 24 1914), calls for the fight against militarism, recognizing the need for revolutionary struggle against the bourgeoisie of all countries, against making a fetish of bourgeois parliamentarianism, rejecting class collaboration, rejecting bourgeois chauvinism under the guise of patriotism, and not forgetting for a moment that workers do not have any country. For the achieving of the basic democratic programme, Lenin posed the demands of confiscation of all the landed estates and for an 8 hour day, something that the Chavez’s and his fifth International has failed and will fail to do. These demands are something that the 11th gathering of Communist parties in India in November,  will also fail to achieve as they pursue their continued co-existence with imperialism.

In opposition to the sliding scale of dismissals and short time imposed by the union leaders and the ‘left’ we must raise the clarion call for the sliding scale of hours and wages (share the work among all who can work, without loss of pay and wages should increase whenever prices increase)- but for this to be taken forward, the Bolshevik fighters need to take the leadership of working class organizations, setting up action committees of struggle, uniting employed and unemployed workers and soldiers, the Stalinist and reformist leaders have to be defeated and removed from leadership of working class organizations of struggle.

The complete submission of the SACP to imperialism is perhaps nowhere more clearly shown when this ‘revolutionary vanguard’ of the workers movement says and does nothing while US imperialism is behind the war for minerals in the DRC and where 5.8 million people have been slaughtered since 1996. At the same time troops from South Africa have been in the DRC, deployed to protect the mining operations of imperialism.  In the DRC the French –US imperialist alliance is combating other imperialist-backed forces over the bones of the masses. US warships frequent SA shores and the SACP does not raise even a whisper against this rising imperialist threat.

What is to be done?
Fifteen years of appealing to the ‘moral and intellectual integrity’ of the middle class and capitalist class in the ANC, has yielded only contempt from them- a failure to fight high food prices, allowing over 2 million workers to be dismissed, a shoot to kill policy, mass homelessness, collapse of already degrading education system, a culture of callous profiteering, etc etc. More of the same is what the current SACP leadership propose.

The Chinese Communist Party has split into 2 fractions, one which wants to still maintain the SOE’s while the other wants to go ahead and privatize them all. The conditions are ripening for a pre-revolutionary situation. In the USA, conditions have never ever been so ripe for the working class to take power; across the world, the objective conditions for proletarian revolution ripen- this is why the onslaught from imperialism grows more desperate by the day.  On a world scale, it is necessary to make a definitive break from Stalinism, in other words, firstly, and we only have to look at the whole of Africa to see that it is true, only the working class can lead the fight for the completion of the bourgeois demands of the proletarian programme; for this basic demand for nationalizing all the land, confiscating all the commercial farms, expropriating all imperialist assets, centralizing the banks into one, all the above under workers control, for the sharing of work among all who can work; the working class needs to take power; but to do this it needs to be organized in its own party, independent of the capitalists and its state. We need to organize in every town and city, in every workplace, committees of action, uniting the employed, unemployed and soldiers, to organize a programme of action in defence of the above programme. We need to call a workers summit which will unite all workers unemployed and soldiers delegates to call for a General strike against the capitalist onslaught. Down with the imperialist ‘developmental state’! This is the path for the dictatorship of the working class, for working class hegemony. Following the April Theses we need a new International, not the fifth of Chavez or the international of the Stalinists but the refounding of the Fourth International. We need a new international conference of Kienthal and Zimmerwald to draw the line internationally, to take the examples of the heroism of the workers of Tonghua, of Madagascar, of Greece, of Guadaloupe, let us unite to make the capitalist pay for their own crisis! The path to completing the democratic demands lies only through the dictatorship of the working class and then indeed, why should we stop at the stage of the dictatorship of the proletariat; we need to unite with our class brothers and sisters around the globe- for the world socialist revolution! This is the path to Socialism and ultimately world Communism! For too long has the heroic struggles of the workers in Mozambique, Angola, DRC, SA, and indeed across Africa, been betrayed by Stalinism! Forward to a federation of Socialist republics of Southern Africa! Forward to a Soviet Africa! Take the path of the Bolsheviks!  This is the clarion call of the International Leninist Trotskyist Fraction.

1st Floor, Community House
41 Salt River rd, Salt River, South Africa , 7925,
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workersinternational@gmail.com
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affiliated to the International Leninist Trotskyist Fraction integrated by
Liga Trotskista Internacionalista , (LTI) de Bolivia
Fraccion Trotskista , (FT) de Brasil
Partido Obrero Internactionaista- CI (POI-CI) , de Chile
Communist Workers Group (CWG) New Zealand
Liga Obrera Internacionalista- CI (LOI-CI) Argentina
Liga Trotskista Internacionalista- (LTI)Peru
Humanist Workers for Revolutionary Socialism (HWRS) USA
Workers International Vanguard League (WIVL) South Africa

4.12.09
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