Chapter 5: The tasks of the moment
The most urgent task is to break with the government of Evo Morales, from the treacherous bureaucracy that ties workers to the CA, and for revolutionaries to win the leadership of the Bolivian working class
(20) The alliance of the treacherous leaders of the proletariat with the bourgeoisie has again pushed the Bolivian revolution to the edge of the abyss. The popular front ties the hands of the proletariat behind their backs, breaks the worker/peasant alliance, and prepares the way for the counter-revolution to smash the workers and exploited people with fire and blood.
Stop kneeling before the popular fron government of Morales, to the bourgeoisie and its Constituent Assembly! Enough of the poor miners and peasants going begging to the 250 deputies of the MAS and Rosca in the CA! End the subservience to the “democratic front” with the Morales government, which is the “left” cover of the transnational companies and the Santa Cruz bourgeoisie and their fascist gangs!
The Theses of Pulacayo, the historical program of the Boivian proletariat states clearly, “
1. - We are united in the class struggle. We say that the class war against the exploiters is a war to the death. In this we must destroy all callaborators in the workers ranks. The road to treason was opened by the infamous popular fronts, that is to say, the fronts that, renouncing the class struggle, unite the proletariat, petty bourgeois and some sectors of the bourgeoisie. The popular front has caused many defeats for the international proletariat. The most cynical expression of the negation of the class struggle, of delivering the oppressed to the class enemy, and the most degenerate of popular fronts is that called “national unity". This is a bourgeois slogan straight out of the mouth of the reformists. “National Unity” means unity of the bourgeois with its servants so as to manipulate the workers. “National Unity” means defeat of the exploited and victory of the Rosca. We cannot speak of “national unity” when the nation is divided into social classes enbarked on a war to the death. While there continues to exist the regime of private property only the traitors and the agents of imperialism can dare to speak of “national unity”.
For that reason we must demand that all the organizations in Bolivia that speak in name of the working class and claim to defend its interests, starting with the COB, the COD, COR and the Mining Federation, must immediately break with the bourgeoisie, the popular front government of Morales and Garcia Linera, and the fraudulent CA. We must demand that they embark on the road of struggle for a workers’ and peasants’ government, empowering once more the headquarters of the revolutionary workers and peasants in El Alto, and reviving the organs of independent self-organisation of the workers and poor peasants such as militias to smash the fascist gangs of the Santa Cruz oligarchy.
By putting the demand on the leadership of the COB to break with the bourgeoisie and lead an independent workers struggle, we have a powerful lever to expose in front of the workers the treacherous character of the current leadership that time and time again has refused go down the revolutionary road. By this means the existing leadership will be revealed as the collaborators of the bosses in the workers movement and will bge replaced by a revolutionary leadership of the COB that will fight to transform that organisation into an armed, centralised force in the working class. To win the revolutionary leadership is the urgent task of the moment. It is a matter of life and death to the Bolivian proletariat.
The life and death task, to form workers and peasants militias to smash fascism and expropriate the transnational companies and the bourgeoisie of the Media Luna
(21) The popular front and fascism are two different policies used by the bourgeoisie against the workers and peasants’ revolution. While both serve the interests of the bourgeoisie, the popular front is used to trap the workers organisations into collaboration with, and subordiantion to, the bourgeoisie. Fascism however, has the aim of physically destroying the working class and its organizations of struggle, including the reformist workers organizations.
The bourgeois character of the popular front means that far from opposing fascism, it tries to negotiate with it, for as we have seen, the bourgeoisie fears not fascism but the proletarian revolution. For that reason, it is not possible to fight the fascists and defend the lives of workers, peasants and their families by appealing to the government of Evo Morales and Garcia Linera. This government is the servant of the Rosca and the transnational companies, who allow the killers of October and the fascists who murdered Alex Guevara to go free, while it imprisons the comuneros of Ayo Ayo. Morales cannot fight the fascists while he calls on the masses to “unite with the Armed Forces in defense of the CA”. This is the army whose officers are trained at West Point, that killed over 100 martyrs in October, that assaults the workers of the LAN, that represses the people, and yet does not touch one hair of the facists of the “Civic Committees” of the Media Luna.
In fight fascism it is necessary create a united front all the workers and poor peasants organizations. Yet today, millions of poor farmers and layers of the workers have illusions in Morals and “their” Constituent Assembly, and call on it to defend them against fascism. The workers, led by a revolutionary party, would call on those millions of exploited people to unite and organize to defend their families against the “civic youth” and bloody fascist gangs of the Media Luna. With a revolutionary leadership the workers would day to those workers and peasants with illusions in Morales and the CA:
“We have no confidence in Morales nor in the fraudulent and undemocratic CA. We maintain our total independence of that bourgeois government that tries to steal our revolution. Only by making our own workers and peasants’ government we will be able to overcome our poverty and meet our needs. But, today, the fascists threaten not only us us but also you, peasants and workers who want to defend the CA., etc. Therefore, while we do not convince each other, and while we continue to discuss and criticize each another freely, there is nothing to stop us from uniting to defend our organizations, and our lives, from the fascists. So, let us immediately create joint workers and peasants’ militias and march to Santa Cruz to smash the fascists”.
Build workers and peasants militias! That is the only guarantee of the workers and poor peasants lives! Five thousand workers, armed miners and poor farmers, converging on Santa Cruz to ‘clean it up’ with sticks of dynamite would teach a lesson to the “daddies boys” and “Union of Youth” that to live the armed people will meet force with more force! This would make it very difficult for the Santa Cruz bourgeoisie who openly recruit for their fascist bands in its “Civic Committees” to recruit more “daddies boys” for its fascist gangs. To make this happen, we must demand that the COB immediately forms workers and peasants militias, calling on all the the poor workers and farmers, men and women, over 18 years of age, to register for the militias in every office of the COB, the COR and the COD!
No reconciliation nor “unity” with the killer Armed Forces! With a powerful workers and peasants militia to fight the fascists, we have all the authority we need to call on the rank and file soldiers - the children of the workers and peasants under arms – to disobey its officers, to create committees of soldiers and non-commissioned officers, and to make the arms available to the workers militias to defend the revolution from the fascist gangs and the killer officer corps. This is the way to win the releasse of the comuneros of Ayo-Ayo and other prisoners in the jails of Morales and the Rosca, and to punish the killers of the hundreds of martyrs of the revolution!
The heroic Bolivian revolution will again return to the road to revolution, raising once more the militant demand of the workers and poor peasants in February of 2003, silenced today by the popular front: “Guns, shrapnel, Bolivia will not shut up!”
In order to smash fascism, the most powerful tool that the workers and poor peasants have, is to strike where it hurts the transnational companies, the Santa Cruz bourgeoisie and the landowning oligarchy that organises the fascist gangs, most: its private property!
Immediate expropriation without compensation of all the oil monopolies, Repsol, Petrobras, Totalfina, BP, etc.!
Immediate expropriation of all the properties of the bourgeoisie of Santa Cruz, Pando, Beni and Tarija, and all the properties of the landowners of the Media Luna!
Return to the program of October 2003 and May-June 2005 and rebuild the worker-peasant alliance
(22) Breaking with the popular front, the bourgeoisie and its CA, winning the revolutionary leadership of the COB, proving by its street fighting that it is the only class that can rescue Bolivia from destruction, the working class will be able to rebuild its organs of power and take back from the bourgeoisie the leadership of the poor farmers, so restoring the worker-peasant alliance destroyed by the treachery of the leaders of the workers.
For that to happen, it is necessary that the proletariat raises clearly again the program of October of 2003 and May-June of 2005, abandoned by the leaders of the COB in exchange for pressuring their “friend” Morales, to win the demands left by the 100 martyrs: Not 30%, or 50%, nor the fictitious semi-nationalization: but a real nationalization without compensation and under workers control of hydrocarbons, expropiating the oil wells, gas fields, refineries, machinery, offices, facilities, and all the funds of the plundering imperialistic transnational companies of Bolivia!
Against the swindle of the “agrarian revolution” announced by Evo Morales, it is necessary to once more raise the demand for the: expropriation without compensation of all the large estates and the land distributed among the poor peasants.
Reclaim for the poor peasants all the fertile land of the East that was expropriated by the bourgeoisie of the Media Luna, who fill their pockets exporting soybean while for the exploited masses there is only the poverty of the Altiplano! Smash the fascists to expropriate the land, is the demand that the proletariat makes to the poor peasant so that the peasants form their own militias alongside the workers miltias.
So that cheap credit, tractors, machinery, fertilizers are available to the small peasants, expropriate all the banks, with a single state bank under control of the workers!
Nationalization of the foreign trade to protect the small farmers of the countryside!
Against the offensive of the government of Morals, the minister of mines Villaroel and the leaders of the mining cooperativistas that try to take Huanuni and other mines from the wage-earning miners, and that enslave the workers of their cooperatives on miserable wages for piecework, without rights, social benefits, and force them to use their women and children to work in the mine so they can survive, the demand must be for the re-nationalizatión without compensation and under workers control of the Mutún and all the mines and mineral deposits.
In order to end the slavery of the contract miners at the hands of the cooperativistas, it is necessary to raise the program of Theses of Pulacayo:
For equal work, equal pay and conditions of work for all the miners!
For one collective work agreement to prevent “the great power of the capitalist to dominate the individual workers so that they are incapable to freely consent because their family poverty forces them to accept the capitalists terms in their work contracts” (Theses of Pulacayo).
This is the way to unify the mine workers rank and file!
End the unemployment and poverty wages of the workers!
It is again necessary to raise the program of the Theses of Pulacayo: Immediate wage increase, with a minimum wage sufficient to meet the consumption needs of every family and indexed according to the cost of living!
Work for all by introducing a movable scale of working hours!
Renationalize without compensation and under workers’ control, the LAB, Waters of Illimani and other privatised companies!
Against the rigged and fraudulent Constituent Assembly where 250 deputies of the MAS and Rosca discuss and haggle over the interests of the different bourgeois fractions and the transnational companies, it is necessary to immediately raise the demand for a National Congress of workers’ and peasants’ delegates of the rank and file of all the mass organizations in struggle, to create a centralilsed organ of workers and peasants’ power backed by militias, that can take back the stolen revolution and re-open the road to its victory.
Only a workers and peasants’ government supported by the armed self-organised masses can break with imperialism and complete the tasks of October of the 2003 and May-June of the 2005, guaranteeing land for the peasants, gas for the people, and bread and work for the workers.
Only such a government, that overthrows the Rosca and destroys the officer corps and its killer army, and that expropriates the expropriators, will be able to guarantee the peasants a truely democratic and sovereign Constituent Assembly such as they want today, proving at the same time that their own revolutionary government has already exceeded the role of the CA.
This is the way to recover the workers and peasants revolution that has been stolen today! The alternative is that the heroic revolution of the exploited Bolivian masses will face a new tragedy: its crushing at the hands of the counterrevolution.
Chapter 6: The extreme crisis of proletarian revolutionary leadership
(23) The future of the Latin American working class today depends upon the fate of the 3rd Bolivian revolution of the workers and poor peasants that began in 2003. The crushing of the Bolivian revolution would signify the victory of the class collaborationist regimes of the “Bolivarian Revolution” in Latin America, new extreme forms of Bonapartism, and the redoubling of the imperialist offensive on the continent, including the threat of direct armed interventions, for example, against, Venezuela.
A decisive defeat of the Bolivian revolution would mean a huge victory for capitalist restoration in Cuba and the transformation of the Castro bureaucracy into a new national bourgeoisie. Therefore, the outcome of the Bolivian revolution is critical in deciding the future of the first workers state in Latin America despite its extreme degeneration at the hands of the restorationist policy of the Castro bureaucracy!
The counterrevolutionary forces are mobilised all over the continental to defeat the Bolivian revolution. If the popular front cannot isolate and defeat the masses in struggle, then they will face the fascist counterrevolution – always kept in reserve by the bosses along with the splitting up of Bolivia into the hands of the different bourgeois fractions.
To break the trap of the popular front, to defeat the “Bolivarian Revolution”, to recover the stolen revolution and take it to victory, it is necessary to regroup the revolutionary forces all over the continent, to create organs of workers power to unite the world proletariat against the counter-revolutionary World Social Forum. In particular we must defeat the fake Trotskyists who have gone over to Stalinism to act as the left wing fo the “Bolivarian Revolution’ to betray the masses and steal their revolution.
For that reason, to revive the proto-soviet of El Alto as the headquarters of the miners, workers and poor peasants vanguard, so that the Bolivian revolution can win, our most urgent task is to call an International Conference the Principled Trotskyists and workers organizations, to regroup the revolutionary forces of the international proletarian vanguard in the class war at the side of the Bolivian workers and peasants, to coordinate their revolution with the international proletarian revolution, and declare war on all the treacherous agents of the bourgeoisie that proclaim the “Bolivarian Revolution” to prepare the defeat the Bolivian revolution and the world revolution. Only in this way will the revolutionary leadership that the heroic Bolivian proletariat needs and deserves be created.
The bankruptcy of the Pabolists of the POR, ‘ultraleft’ collaborators of the COB bureaucracyand the liquidation of the revolution into the ‘Constituent Assembly’ by the LOR-CI
(24) Since the beginning of the uprising of October of 2003 the POR Lora has played an ominous role. It has systematically supported the leadership of the COB - Solares, and now Montes, refusing build organs of workers and poor peasants power including militias. It constantly speaks of the “dictatorship of the proletariat” and “socialism”, but in practice has renounced the struggle for the proletarian revolution and the taking of the power by the proletariat.
In May-June of 2005, POR played a central role in the stealing of the revolutionary days that overthrew Mesa. Its leader, Vilma Plata, alongside Solares, Mamani, Choque and Patana, before 400,000 worker and peasant militants refused to call the indigenous national popular Assembly with delegates of the rank and file of the workers and peasants organisations in struggle, or to organize workers and peasants’ militias. Once again POR played a decisive role to stop the emergence of dual power, by preventing the masses from consolidating, centralizing nationally armed organsation that could have implemented the resolutions of the ‘headquarters of the revolution’ of the miners and the COR of El Alto. In this way, POR collaborated with Morales, Solares and co. to put Rodriguez in power, dissolve the organs of semi-dual power, and opened the way for the election in December of 2005 of Evo Morales to the presidency.
Today, once again, the POR Lora is a decisive link in Montes’ policy of using the COB to subordinate the proletariat to the popular front. In the first place, because although proclaiming itself as against the government of Morales and the CA, and against the Santa Cruz oligarchy, it offers no strategy or tacits on how workers can break with them, and to recover their stolen revolution. Once again it refuses to take up the fight for the creation of workers and peasants soviets or militias.
As opposed to the fascist threat, POR says nothing about forming workers and peasants militias to smash it. No does it call for a workers front against the fascist gangs. That is, it refuses to call for the workers and peasants who put their trust in the CA and Morales to confront the fascists to defend their organizations. On the contrary, it puts an equal sign between the popular front and fascism, with its slogans of “Death to the CA! Death to the reactionary right! Down with the incompetent government of Evo! All for the POR, Proletarian Revolution and proletarian dictatorship!” (Masses N° 2007, 1/09/06).
This is the same policy as Stalinism in the “third period” that took the German proletariat to defeat at the hands of fascism in the `30s. POR Lora refuses to fight to break Morales’ and the popular front control of the masses. It refuses to build unity in the workers ranks and reweld the worker-peasant alliance. It leaves to exploited people defencless before the fascist threat. Before the urgent demands of the working class and the poor peasants, before the traps and deceits of the popular front, before the threat of the fascist bands, the only thing that the POR says to the workers is… “All for the POR ”.
This policy complements, with the silence of the accomplice, the role of the leadership of the COB – formerly Solares, now Montes – to divert the workers into making demands on Morales government to redistribute the wealth. Thus by its economistic demands, it takes the workers out of the political fight, and into the hands of the imperialist monopolies, the popular front, the Santa Cruz bourgeoisie, the talkshop of the fraudulent CA, those that make the “policy” to steal and then ‘finish off’ the workers and peasants revolution.
This abject trade union cretinismo –despite POR’s bluster about the “proletarian revolution and dictatorship” – is directly expressed in its refusal to demand that all organizations that speak in the name of the working class to break with the bourgeoisie, to fight to create workers and peasants militias, to face the life and death question of the fate of the Bolivian revolution. POR acts as the other side of the coin of Montes and the COB leadership policy of subordinating the proletariat to a “democratic front” with the government of Morales and the national bourgeoisie. Not very often in history have we seen so many appeal to “revolution” and the “dictatorship of the proletariat” as a cover for the renunciation of revolution and the struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat!
The Bolivian workers vanguard has stood with Trotsky – along with Marx and Lenin - one of the great revolutionary figures of history, by adopting the Theses of Pulacayo as the historical program of the workers of the Altiplano. By claiming to be ‘Trotskyists” the POR Lora has been betraying this program for more than half century. Because if its influence in the labor movement, the POR uses its main leaders and public figures to usurp the name of Trotsky to sell out the struggles of the working class, as it did for example, when Vilma Plata the opened the mass rally of 6 June 2005.
At the beginning of 21st century POR Lora has added yet another betrayal to its long history of collaboration in strangling Bolivian revolutions. It began with when it gave critical support to the MNR (Revolutionary National Militia) government of Paz Estenssoro in 1952, refusing to fight for “All power to the COB”. Next came its capitulation in 1971 to the “patriot” general Torres and the Stalinist “Anti-imperialist Revolutionary Front”. Then in 1985 POR Lora collaborated with the COB bureaucracy of Lechin to betray the great miners general strike. Today, usurping the name of the Trotskyism, POR has openly gone over to Stalinism with its talk of a future ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’ combined with total subordination to the policy of ‘pressuring’ the popular front today.
At the side of the POR Lora Pabloites are the other servants of the popular front and the treacherous bureaucracy of the COB, such as as the group in Bolivia associated with the of PTS of Argentina, the LOR-CI. While for POR Lora everything is solved by the “dictatorship of the proletariat” -in-general, the LOR-CI responded to the Bolivian revolution of February 2003 to May-June 2005 with the panacea of a “free and sovereign Constituent Assembly”.
Thus, in February of 2003, when the workers and peasants won the streets by fighting at the barricades to the shout of “Gun, shrapnel, Bolivia will not shut up”, the LOR-CI raised the. . . Constituent assembly. In October of 2003, with the masses rose up to the shout of “Out with Goni, gas for the Bolivians”, with a semi-insurrection centred on El Alto, with embryos of workers militias, rank and file soldiers refusing to shoot against the people and being assassinated by their officers, and with Solares, Morales and Quispe conspiring to put Mesa in power to steal the masses struggle, the LOR-CI raised the . . .Constituent assembly. In May and June of 2005, came a new revolutionary attack of the masses, Mesa falls, and again the LOR-CI . . .Constituent assembly. And finally the Constituent Assembly for which the LOR-CI/PTS had fought so hard, arrived!
The LOR-CI/PTS justified this policy saying that the Bolivian revolution had to go through a “parliamentary stage” because the masses still had “illusions in bourgeois democracy”. Now what is the result of this policy with a CA in the hands of Evo Morales and the popular front? The imposition of the CA is not the “parliamentary stage of the revolution”, but its expropriation!
Today, when the consequences of this expropriation are clearly seen, the LOR-CI criticizes the undemocratic and rigged CA but hides the fact that for three years it put the demand for the CA at the centre of its program. Today it calls on the workers not to trust the CA and “to raise their own demands: genuine nationalization of hydrocarbons and the big mines, without compensation and under workers’ control; re-nationalisation of the “privatised” companies; a true agrarian reform eliminating the large estates; land and territory to the indigenous peoples; living wage and work for all; good health, education and housing; nonpayment of the external debt and a break with imperialism” (“The revolutionary process, the government of the MAS and the Constituent Assembly”, Workers Voice N° 15, September of 2006). That is to say, one more a variant of the policy of pressure on the Constituent Assembly.
In order to try to varnish over the truth of its policy of putting pressure on the popular front and its CA, the LOR-CI calls for an “independent perspective” and for an “independent class bloc” inside the COB.
The LOR-CI speaks a lot about “class independence”, while for three years it made the center of its program the struggle for a bourgeois institution like the Constituent Assembly. This was to subordinate the working class to the popular front and to the bourgeoisie and dissolve the organisms of semi-dual power that the masses had created, that is the truly independent organs of workers power and class independence!
In the many pages of LOR-CI documents there is no mention of fascism or the necessity to form workers and peasants militias to smash it. Really, which planet are these people writing about? The petty bourgeois current in the University of Buenos Aires that comprises the PTS, and its group in Bolivia, once more demonstrates not only its pacifism, but by default, its membership of Montes’ “democratic front” with the Morales government. Thus those who complete their break with Trotskyism and adopt the Gramscian language of “counterhegemony”, the “accumulation of power” and other fashionable nonsense, hide their head in the sand when the fascists gangs appear and make them kneel before the “democratic” bourgeoisie.
Thus, POR with its ultraleftist rhetoric, and the LOR-CI with its bloc with the “democratic front”, both refuse to create the workers and peasants militias, which today is the only way to win control of the COB, reforge the worker-peasant alliance, end the threat of the fascist gangs, and achieve the most basic demands of the masses mired in poverty by the ongoing collaboration of the national bourgeoisie with imperialsim. In this way, both currents are located in the trench alongside the oppressed masses, but instead of raising the demands for and independfent6, armed working class, raise instead the ‘Pivertist’ policy of pressuring the popular front.
The struggle to unite the revolutionary workers and peasants in Latin America, and to build a revolutionary internationalist party in Bolivia is the task of the principled Trotskyists!
(25) The theft of the workers and peasants revolution in Bolivia is an example once again that the crisis of the revolutionary leadership of the proletariat has been become extreme. The liquidation of the 4th International at the hands of the renegades of Trotskyism has caused an historic betrayal, for fourth time in 50 years of the Bolivian revolution, in 1952, 1971, 1985, and today.
This latest treason of the renegades of Trotskyism, now degenerated into open Stalinism, is today so blatant as to be clearly seen and recognised as the legacy of the liquidationist policy of Pabloism of 1952. The Bolivian proletariat will once more rise up from its imprisonment, but the traitors of Trotskyism will never rise up from their Stalinist gravel.
The fate of the working class and exploited today depends on how quickly the revolutionary vanguard of the world proletariat can rebuild the leadership that the heroic workers and poor peasants of Bolivia need and deserve.
There is no task more burning than to mobilise100% of the forces of the principled interanationalist Trotskyists worldwide to build a revolutionary party of the working masses of Latin America so that the heroic Bolivian revolution, today stolen, can be recovered and go on to victory. There is no task more urgent than to commit 100% of our resources to the struggle to defeat the traitors of all colors blocks the revolution, and to clear out of the path of the exploited masses all the rubbish and lies and deceptions of the liquidators of the 4th International.
(26) As was true of the Spanish revolution in the 1930s, today the stolen Bolivian revolution is the leading edge of the proletarian revolution in Latin America and the whole world. The proletariat of Latin America can only win if the Bolivian workers and peasants revolution wins, defeating the counter-revolutionary “Bolivarian Revolution” of Chávez, Morales, Fidel Castro and World Social Forum.
But for this to happen the healthy forces of Trotskyism must regroup internationally.
In 1952, the 4th International collapsed when its whole leadership capitulated to the popular front and betrayed the historic workers and peasants’ revolution that had begun in Bolivia. In 1953 the SWP (US)and other groups which formed the International Committee criticised their betrayal and corrected their program. But Pabloism had already weakened the 4th International to the point of breakdown. Then began a long series of capitulations, revisions and adaptations that ended with the total degeneration of the 4th International.
Today, at the beginning of 21st century, the betrayal of the Bolivian revolution in 2003 marks the total renunciation of the program of the 4th International by the renegades of Trotskyism. They are now open reformists in the World Social Forum, adopting the “theory”, strategy, program and role once played by Stalinism.
Under the baton of Fidel Castro and of the imposter Celia Hart Santamaría, the renegades of Trotskyism are forming united parties of the “Bolivarian Revolution” alongside Stalinists, Castroists and various fractions of the bourgeoisie – like P-SOL and their electoral front with the PSTU and the PCB in Brazil; PODERMOS in Chile, like the “Plenary of Autoconvocados” in Argentina. Now, Chávez has decided that it is time for one Bolivarian party in Venezuela -, since the existence of many parties “is against the interests of the revolution and popular unity”. The Venezuelan CP enthusiasticall supports this initiative, and proposes a “model”… the CP of the USSR under Stalin, the Chinese CP and the Cuban CP. The renegades of Trotskyism have all become chavistas, and will take their place in the united part of the “Bolivarian Revolution”.
The situation in Bolivia is like an unexploded bomb with its fuse lit. While the revolution has been contained and diverted by the popular front and the treacherous bureaucracy, this cannot last, and it is balanced on a point between the forces of reform and revolution, between the “Bolivarian Revolution” and the workers and peasants revolution, between Stalinism and Trotskyism, the destroyers of 4th International and the healthy forces to fight to rebuild the world part of socialist revolution.
To tip the balance in favour of the Bolivian masses, there is no more urgent task for all the healthy and revolutionary forces of 4th International anywhere in the world than to build a principled Trotskyist party in Bolivia. To do this we have to regroup the international Trotskyists and revolutionary workers organizations in an International Conference to create a new vanguard party in Latin America that fights for a socialist united states of Latin America.
A Latin American party that can unite the Bolivian workers vanguard with its militant class brothers and sisters in Argentina and Brazil; and in Chile were the masses take to the streets against the antiworker, repressive and pro-imperialistic, pinochetista-concertacionista, regime of the “socialits” Bachelet; and in Mexico in Oaxaca fights to bring down the anti-worker, repressive state government of the PRI Ulises Ruiz. A party which like a healthy nervous system, can unite the proletariat of Central and South America with the big battalions of the working class in the US which is strengthened by the militant power of twelve million Latino migrant workers.
We cannot build such a party without declaring war without mercy on the World Social Forum and in particular to defeat the fake Trotskyists that are playing a crucial role in the policy of class collaboration that seeks to destroy the Bolivian revolution and support the servant regimes and governments of the “Bolivarian Revolution”.
There is no time to lose: everything depends now on the revolutionary vanguard of the Latin American and world proletariat. To this task, the FLT contributes a nucleus of internacionalist cadres forged in the class struggle with the treacherous bureaucray and with the fake Trotskyists, an experience in many struggles of the workers in Bolivia and elsewhere in the last decades. We are also determined to build the embryo of such a vanguard party, uniting the revolutionaries cadres in Bolivia with those in Argentina, Chile, Brazil and Peru.
The confrontation between revolution and counterrevolution approaches a critical point in Bolivia, where the historical alternative “Communism or Fascism” has become immediate. There is no time that to lose: any delay in building the Latin American revolutionary party will be paid for with more sacrifices, suffering and blood by the Bolivian and Latin American proletariat. The task of the FLT and all the healthy forces of Trotskyism internationally is expressed in the fighting slogan: 100% of our forces to the internationalist Trotskyists of Bolivia!
International Coordinating Secretariat of the Leninist-Trotskyists Fraction
15 of September of 2006