Tuesday, June 30, 2026

Bolivia and the Permanent Revolution


 

                Bolivian workers and peasants declare a General Strike


 Revolution and Counter-revolution

 Bolivia today is more than two months into a General Strike which has united the working masses as never before.  It has become the key Latin American front in the war of aggression by declining US imperialism against the rising Chinese imperialism. The US, facing defeats in its wars against Russia in Ukraine and against Iran to isolate and weaken China, has under Trump recognized the need to consolidate its hold over Latin America and drive Russia and China out of the hemisphere. Its main target is the Bolivarian group of states in ALBA, in particular, Venezuela, Cuba and Bolivia, to reverse the grip China and Russia have on important economic resources in the region, particularly hydrocarbons and lithium. 

This class war front pits the two important factions of the national bourgeoisie against the miners, poor peasants and street traders. The first faction aligned to the imperialist US is its comprador bourgeois allies made up of the oligarchy of wealthy landowners and business people whose mission is to reverse the Bolivarian reforms of the last two decades under the MAS. The second faction is that of the Bolivarian bourgeoisie of the MAS 'Andean Socialism' that takes advantage of the opportunities opened up by state owned property, and in the name of socialism, draws the petty bourgeoisie and workers into a popular front with China and Russia. 

On the other side of the class divide are the historically rebellious miners, poor peasants, urban workers and small traders that have united in a General Strike to bring down the Paz regime and halt the privatisation of state assets.  For the first time in Bolivian history the working people are challenging the popular front created by the COB bureaucracy to stop the strike spreading beyond a deal between the Bolivarian bourgeoisie and the pro-US Paz regime. Within the popular assemblies a new leadership is emerging that recognises that both wings of the national bourgeoisie have a common interest to smash the General Strike which means that the General Strike must go beyond a regime change to the seizure of power and the installation of a Workers' and Peasants' Government in Bolivia.  

To prevent this revolutionary threat spreading in Latin America and challenging its hegemony over its rivals in Latin America, the US has to defeat the resistance of the formidable working masses. In Cuba the deformed workers’ state capitulated to US embargos and restored capitalism in 2011.  In Venezuela the Bolivarian bourgeoisie passively accepted Trump’s ‘decapitation’ strike to restore US control of hydrocarbons by handing over President Maduro and blocking any armed resistance by the popular militias. 

 Bolivia, itself, however, poses a larger problem. The US and its wealthy bourgeois allies in Santa Cruz, are using the election of Paz to reverse the inroads that Morales and the MAS made between 2006 to 2025 to nationalise land and resources intended to finance rising living standards for the petty bourgeois and workers. To understand the size of the problem we have to show how Bolivia today is the result of a history made by revolutions and counter-revolutions coming into play today as the capitalist world economy is facing its terminal crisis.

1952: The unfinished bourgeois revolution

 The miners revolution in 1952 was betrayed by the POR (Workers Revolutionary Party) which controlled the leadership of the COB (Bolivian Workers Centre). The armed miners took power by defeating the military which was then disbanded. That power was neutralized when the COB leadership under Lechin made a deal with the popular front MNR {National Revolutionary movement) government to appoint miners as ministers to influence the government policy. This allowed the MNR to limit its national democratic program to land reform and the nationalisation of the mines both of which are key demands of the national democratic revolution.  

This outcome was no accident in 1952. First, US imperialism was embarking on a world-wide campaign against Russian and Chinese ‘communism’. It needed popular front governments in Latin America to join the war against ‘communism’. At the same time the international left succumbed as Stalinists or ‘fellow travelers’ to the reformist theory of the two-stage revolution. This theory said it was necessary to first complete the bourgeois democratic revolution in order to prepare the conditions for the socialist revolution.   

 The Fourth International under Trotsky’s leadership had broken with Stalinism, yet after his death degenerated and succumbed to Stalinism. Both the International Secretariat and the International Committee turned their backs on the permanent revolution to tail the Stalinist stageism. Under its leader Lora the POR along with the whole 4th international, apart from the US Vern and Ryan faction of the US SWP, succumbed to stageism as 'national Trotskyism',  doing a deal with the “progressive” bourgeoisie for land reform and the nationalisation of the mines.

As Jose Villa in The Revolution of ‘52  points out, the  MNR regime led by Paz Estenssoro was a popular front between workers and the bourgeoisie, in effect bourgeois government. Estenssoro was a former Bolivian cabinet minister and reserve bank governor. Like most of his ilk he was a convinced anti-communist. The POR betrayal of revolutionary Trotskyism allowed the pro-US MNR to trap the COB into disarming itself in exchange for miners being appointed as government ministers to advance the workers program - by sharing power with the bourgeoisie! 

Inevitably this revolutionary defeat entrenched the landowner oligarchy of Santa Cruz and froze the bourgeois revolution in time and space. For 6 years Estenssoro acted as a Bonaparte figure ‘balancing’ the  two antagonistic classes in the popular front MNR, as did Cardenas in Mexico in the 1930s and Peron in Argentine in the 1940s. In all cases where the popular front failed to subdue the revolutionary uprisings of the workers and peasants they were met with US backed fascist coups.  

The most recent of those uprisings from 2000 to 2003 was at a time when the US was embarking on the ‘war on terror’ in Afghanistan and Iraq. In Venezuela it was trying to reverse Chavez's rise to power. The fall of the US backed regime in Bolivia in 2003 and the election of Morales’ government in 2005 also coincided with the onset of the global terminal crisis. The rise of China and Russia as emerging imperialist powers intensified the great power rivalry. There was now the potential for the national bourgeoisies long dominated by  US hegemony to be attracted to doing deals with its Russia and China rivals in the belief that they will get better terms with their ‘win-win’ trade deals.  

 The arrival of these two new imperialist powers, allowed one faction of the national bourgeoisie to join a supposedly ‘progressive’ popular front with them against the US. They aligned to the BRICS as the main alternative to the US/NATO. The delusion that national capitalists can avoid dealing with imperialism in the BRICS was reinforced with the rise of the Bolivarian ALBA and celebrated by the reformist left. Castrismo, Chavismo and Evismo became Bonapartist currents sustaining the popular front with Russia and China and dominating the left discourse. The struggle of the masses to transcend the aborted national democratic revolution, and make the revolution permanent, remains trapped until workers and poor farmers break these  international popular fronts with the national bourgeoisies and Russia and China

 How the global terminal crisis impacts Bolivia

 In the 21st century the tectonic shift in international great power rivalry is the inevitable result of the global terminal crisis and the intensified inter-international rivalry for raw materials and cheap labor. The competition for scarce resources is driven by the crisis and strongly impacts Bolivia’s economic development and its class struggle.  In Bolivia each imperialist bloc deals with a faction of the national bourgeoisie collaborating with it to extract super profits from the workers and peasants. The US is allied to the Santa Cruz large landowners and businesses opposed to confiscation of their land and for the privatisation of all public land and resources including lithium.  China and Russia are allied to the MAS and the small coca farmers opposed to the loss of their land and businesses, and support the nationalisation of all major resources particularly lithium. 

 Workers and petty bourgeoisie are aligned to these capitalist factions by the nature of their material interests. Many petty bourgeois have become disguised workers, self employed or employed by international corporations and cartels (coca peasants and small vendors and artisanal miners) and look to both imperialist blocs to finance reforms in mining, land use etc, to their benefit. Morales' “Andean Capitalism” was to be financed by state owned lithium deposits, developed by China (CBC) and Russia (Rosatom). Meanwhile, these projects have been suspended by Paz while the US finds more suitable candidates who will be rewarded with full private property rights.   

 This is the Bolivarian project devised by Chavez that links the Bolivarian states together with imperialist China and Russia, and is violently opposed by the Santa Cruz bourgeoisie and its fascist paramilitaries. Nevertheless, the main class enemy of workers and poor peasants is the MAS bourgeoisie with its links to China and Russia. Apart from failing to deliver economic growth it cannot deliver workers’ democracy' and 'socialist planning'. China for all its ‘win-win’ talk of fair shares, imposes a national debt burden on workers and peasants equal to that of the US. Worse, the popular front blocks the two classes that have a common interest in socialist revolution from uniting and overthrowing the bourgeois state to complete the national revolution as part of the global permanent revolution.

 We cannot even begin to create a revolutionary program for a Bolivian workers’ revolution without recognising inter-imperialist wars, sanctions, regime change and blockades as an attack on workers' lives.  Imperialism in terminal crisis must attempt to unload its crisis onto the backs of workers and poor farmers. Any revolutionary nucleus has to warn workers that the Bolivarian states will not break from the international popular front with imperialist China. 

 The class struggle is international. The class line runs though all the nation states, oppressors and oppressed, East and West, North and South. In West Asia. Iran is winning the war against the US and Israel with the support of Russia and China. In Africa, you can see the struggle for national independence in the Sahel against the US and NATO is backed by Russia and China. In Latin America the ALBA unites the Bolivarian states from Cuba to Bolivia with imperialist China and Russia against the US. If Russia and China are backing all these oppressed states against the US/NATO, we have to explain why is it necessary for workers, peasants and other oppressed people to break from the popular front and make a revolution against Russia and China!

 Who will make the Revolution Permanent?

 A workers and peasants revolution is necessary against all the imperialist powers West and East. Whatever the level of development and class relations, imperialism makes working people pay for its terminal crisis. Russia and China have no interest in real socialism as their interest is to make profits from the labor of the working class. Real socialism begins with the fight for bourgeois democracy where that advances the workers and poor peasants revolutionary cause.

 We give critical support to Iran, Venezuela, the AES in Africa and Bolivia and any other regime that suffers an imperialist attack. We can militarily defend these bourgeois regimes fight for national sovereignty while at the same time warning that they will sell out to imperialism rather then face a revolution. In Bolivia we give critical, military support to MAS governments under attack by the US without giving any political support. In the event of the US and Russia/China bloc fighting a war over Bolivia we say: defeat both! Victory for the Bolivian permanent revolution! 

 The bourgeois revolution in Latin America was never completed, as indigenous peoples, poor peasants, self-employed and unemployed were suppressed by popular front governments like the MNR or repressed by the military coups that followed. The MNR paved the way for the fascist generals by defeating the 1952 revolution that put miners in power. As we van see in Venezuela the interests of the Bolivarian bourgeoisie is to extract super profits on behalf of imperialism at the expense of workers and peasants. The working poor know from experience that their living standards are driven down to create imperialist super profits. They have a life and death interest in throwing imperialists and their comprador servants out of the country. 

 Only the working class and the poor peasants can overthrow a bourgeois regime. But for this to happen there must be a revolutionary nucleus based on a program for permanent revolution to lead the vanguard. We have seen how attempts at revolution were subverted by Stalinist and centrist Trotskyist parties that formed popular fronts with the bourgeoisie. The POR took over the COB leadership to advocate joining the bourgeois MNR. This allowed the government to smash the miners' political power. Six years later the landowners staged a coup to abolish state owned property. Not until the MAS won office in 2005 did the  bloc with workers and peasants prevail to force the nationalisation of basic resources. Now that the fascist regime is legislating to privatize state property once again, who will stop them? 

 The answer is those who have formed and defended a General Strike for more than two months. The miners, factory workers, indigenous and other poor peasants united in the union centre, the COB, and in the community general assemblies, are demanding that the Paz government must fall. It is they who condemn the bureaucratic leadership of sections of the COB who have entered into an agreement with Paz for wage rises and food subsidies, and union shareholding in the profits of lithium mines. It is they who condemn the bureaucracy traitors, and defend the General Strike against the State of Emergency until the Paz regime falls. It is they who see this as not the end of the struggle, but the beginning of the permanent revolution.  

 The capitulation of the COB leadership, and the Bolivarian left, replays the events of 1952 and the defeat of that revolution. It drags in the mud the proud record of militant miners who for decades fought the privatizing of the mines with their bodies. Today, however, the popular assemblies exist as a powerful influence against the corrupt COB bureaucracy. They demand that the COB ranks must take back control of the union leadership and repudiate the agreement. It must continue the General Strike to the end, bring down the Paz regime, and clear the road for a workers’ and poor farmers’ government! 

 Transform the COB into a soviet-like organisation with workers’ democracy!

Unite the class conscious ranks of the COB and the General Assembly of the FEJUVES {neighborhood councils of El Alto) to form a mass revolutionary party with a revolutionary program! 


  • NO CONFIDENCE IN THE MAS, AND ANY OTHER ‘SOCIALIST’ PARTY WHOSE PROGRAM CALLS FOR POLITICAL BLOCS WITH THE BOUGEOISIE AND IMPERIALISTS IN THE NAME OF ‘SOCIALISM’!
  • FOR A NEW WORLD PARTY OF SOCIALISM BASED ON THE THEORY AND PROGRAM OF THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL OF TROTSKY!.
  • OUT WITH THE US, NATO, RUSSIA AND CHINA IMPERIALISTS!
  • DOWN WITH THE BOLIVARIAN BOUGEOISIE! 
  • BUILD PERMANENT STRIKE COMMITTEES ! 
  • ARMED MILITIAS UNDER WORKERS CONTROL!
  • WORKERS’, POOR FARMERS AND SOLDIERS COMMITTEES!
  • ALL POWER TO THE WORKERS’ AND POOR FARMERS GOVERNMENT
  • NATIONALISE THE LAND! 
  • EXPROPRIATE  IMPERIALIST AND NATIONAL BOURGEOIS PROPERTY WITHOUT COMPENSATION, INCLUDING LARGE LAND HOLDINGS,  PRIVATE MINES etc.
  • STATE OWNERSHIP AND CONTROL OF THE MEANS OF PRODUCTION, EXCHANGE AND DISTRIBUTION
  • FOR A SOCIALIST BOLIVIA IN A SOCIALIST FEDERATION OF THE AMERICAS!

 

Saturday, May 30, 2026

SACP CONFERENCE OF THE LEFT IS A TRAP FOR WORKERS

 

Remember Marikana!


FOR INDEPENDENT WORKING CLASS ORGANISING AND STRUGGLE!

The SACP will host the Conference of the Left (CoL) from the 29th to the 31st of May 2026. It has invited a wide array of organisations and individuals it defines as the left for the purpose of coming up with a programme of action and structure that advances the unity and struggles of left formations. The programme of the conference consists of plenary and thematic sessions on what has been identified as key areas requiring discussion and resolution.

The call has been received with mixed positions ranging from enthusiastic embrace to passionate rejection. Some, like NUMSA and COSATU, genuinely believe that the conference offers an opportunity to advance the interests of the poor masses and provide the necessary political framework for that. At the other end, SAFTU and WASP among others, have rejected the call based on the political record of SACP in the Tripartite Alliance with the ANC and COSATU, specifically the betrayal of Marikana. Occupying the middle ground are those, like SOPA and others, who acknowledge the political betrayals of the SACP but hope to use the opportunity to get to the rank and file of the unions and mass organisations participating.

We say that the CoL is a desperate manoeuvre by the SACP bureaucrats to construct a political platform that best captures the anger of members and working masses against the attacks from the SACP supported ANC government and channel it towards the usual class collaboration. It is also a reflection of the pressure by Chinese imperialism for a political vehicle not dominated by forces aligned with US/western imperialism. The call should be taken as a wake up call to re-focus on the historic task of building an independent and revolutionary political platform of the working class – namely the revolutionary socialist party!

We argue that the position on the CoL taken by the “Marikana” left expressed  by SAFTU is correct as far as it goes. It rejects participation in the CoL. The SACP is indicted for its role in the Marikana massacre and for its expulsion of NUMSA for supporting the miners. We think there is no coming back for a leadership of the SACP stained in miners’ blood. The formation of SAFTU marks that historical break and to retreat from Marikana would condemn it in front of the most advanced militant workers and betray generations of workers locked into the statisation of the unions under the control of the SACP.

In contrast, the NUMSA statement fails to give a balance sheet of the SRWP experience as well as transcend the politics of the Charter. Beyond the betrayals of SACP and its attempt to unite the ‘left’ in order to bureaucratically lock it into the state apparatus, NUMSA begins with its ‘minimum program’ of demands to meet the immediate needs of workers. These include those that drove the struggle of the miners in 2012 and now reflects the needs of all workers in SA. This ‘minimum’ program was essentially the same as that motivating the formation of the SRWP in 2019.

We argue that the SRWP failed not because it was a party, but because NUMSA failed to base it on more than a ‘minimum’ program of immediate demands and general calls for socialism in the future – the mini-max program. The bureaucracy also prevented the rank and file from active participation resulting in a hollowed party without a base. However, today NUMSA fails to recognise that the deepening of the crisis and the end of bourgeois democracy demands drawing the correct conclusion that “embeds” the socialist demands for a workers’ state to expropriate (nationalisation without compensation) capitalism. To be able to advance this position NUMSA needs to make the historic break from the Stalinist two-stage ‘bourgeois democratic’ revolution followed by a socialist revolution to recognise the necessity for a combined or permanent revolution as advocated by both Lenin and Trotsky.

Yet that break will not be complete without two further vital developments. First, to invoke permanent revolution and apply it correctly, comrades must understand that the revolutionary party is not the enemy of the unions but the voice of the unions. Unions, popular organisations, etc etc express the day to day level of reality in contesting wages, prices and profits, while the party addresses the fundamental reality of who produces the wealth, who lives off it, and how to end the ‘wage system’. Unions need the party to elevate the trade union consciousness to a revolutionary consciousness. Both are dialectically fused in the class struggle based on the transitional method. Trade union consciousness recognises the necessity of transforming the relations of production only when the party raises the socialist demands for smashing the bourgeois state and building a workers’ state.

That is why NUMSA’s break with Stalinist stagism must include the revolutionary party to transform the ‘minimum’ program into the transitional program for the workers’ state that is necessary to win even the most immediate demands. Workers mobilise to win immediate demands of jobs, wages, health and education, and in fighting against the bosses’ armed reaction, learn that it is necessary to fight for political and socialist demands. The acts of striking, armed self-defence and applying workers’ democracy advances and prepares consciousness for the struggle for power which makes the socialist demands of smashing the state and expropriating capital, possible and actual.  

Second, the revolutionary party is not merely a national party. Its program of class war and revolution must be internationalist. It is one thing to recognise that national chauvinism is exploited by the bourgeoisie to divide the working class. It is another to understand that chauvinism must end in fascism and the destruction of the working class unless it is defeated by an international party. The crisis in South Africa is part of the universal terminal crisis of capital being imposed on workers everywhere. National liberation cannot be won short of defeating imperialism in the West and in the East, and the transitional program makes clear that a united Africa, Europe, Asia, Latin America and finally globally, will be possible only when workers’ unite internationally to make the world socialist revolution.

For a revolutionary party based on the trade unions in Southern Africa, and in the United Socialist States of Africa!

For a New World Party of Socialist Revolution!

RWG-Z/ILTT

https://rwgzimbabwe.wordpress.com/

Sunday, February 22, 2026

Peru: Down with the Fujimorist Regime!

 



The defeat of Fujimori Jn and her fascist-leaning party in July 2021, by Pedro Castillo of Perú Libre, a middle-class electoral movement, part of the right-wing reformist movement, was short lived. Dina Boluarte replaced Castillo as President  on December 7, 2022. She was sworn in as the country's first female president following Congress's impeachment of Castillo, who was arrested after attempting to dissolve the legislature. Boluarte set out to create a Fujimorist regime of the far right that has continuously held power since, in an attempt to prop-up the fiction of parliamentary democracy to prepare the way for a fascist coup. By the end of 2025, the international situation had become pre-revolutionary - the ruling classes must resort to fascism to survive, while the working masses must take state power. Here we reprint two articles from Permanent Revolution, Peru, which documents the impact on Peru over this period of the relative decline of US imperialism and the task for workers of the hemisphere to organize an international revolutionary party for what we call the New American Revolution.  (ILTT)

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Peru: Down with Parliament and Down with Boluarte! 

Boluarte replaces Castillo on 7 December 2022 [ILTT]

Just four days later, the shooting of two young men by police in Andahuaylas became the bloody baptism of Dina Boluarte's government. It didn't take long for her to resemble the successive presidents known for their brutality. While Castillo had strengthened his already neoliberal and repressive government with Aníbal Torres, a Belaunde sympathizer and former collaborator of dictator Fujimori at the University of San Marcos, Boluarte decided to entrust the government to Pedro Angulo, an ultra-neoliberal linked to Kuczynski's extremist circles, whose first task will be to intensify repression through the regional states of emergency declared for this purpose, in collaboration with Alberto Otárola, Humala's former minister. 

The dictatorship sought by Castillo through his failed coup of December 7th would have constituted another stage in this phase. Gassing, beating, arresting, and killing are, for any government that administers a capitalist state for the benefit of the bourgeoisie, an unavoidable necessity.The government will massacre again, because its true allies are the military and police; the far right will continue to impose the path of a coup d'état, a reactionary coup d'état that will inevitably come about sooner or later, one way or another, if the independent mobilization of workers fails to get rid of Castillo.” (Permanent Revolution, May 24, 2022) And indeed, the attempted coup took place.

A victim of despair, Castillo was unable to confront two enemies more dangerous than the votes of the Congressional majority: the exposure of the corrupt network of family friendships he had fostered and the deteriorating living conditions of the majority of the population. A 9% year-on-year inflation rate, entire sectors with declining indices such as mining, agriculture, and fishing—all the hallmarks of an inexorable slide toward poverty. In these circumstances, Castillo opted for the policies of all his predecessors: in Washington, he reaffirmed his loyalty to transnational magnates, declaring, "We will give them peace of mind ", and praising "support for private enterprise ", while simultaneously submitting to Congress a "consensus" proposal that called for greater police powers and the establishment of a bicameral legislature.

 

Confronted from the outset with popular opposition to his obvious right-wing leanings, Castillo had to make some minor concessions to the working class and regional minorities in order to avoid alienating all sectors. This situation was exploited by the union and political bureaucracy of the pseudo-left to indulge in a cynical Castillism, which constituted a serious subjective and organizational obstacle for a mobilized segment of the masses that rejected the worst reactionary forces represented in Congress but failed to grasp the full reactionary dimension of the government. It took these leaders fifteen months to change course. They did voice some criticism of the executive branch, but they continued to defend it. The threat of a fascist coup served as a pretext to paralyze the workers' and people's movement and condemn it to repeated defeat at the hands of the bourgeoisie and transnational bosses. Luis Villanueva, general secretary of the FTCCP [the construction federation of the CGTP, the majority labor union] and of the so-called Peruvian "Communist " Party, agreed with Oscar Caipo, president of CONFIEP [the employers' organization], to maintain the deplorable situation of workers at CADE [the class collaboration organization]. The PCP and PC-Patria Roja leadership of the CGTP praised the imperialist Organization of American States and its pseudo-democratic charade, placing themselves at its service just as they had during the Fujimori dictatorship. This entire pro-capitalist caste within the movement of the exploited is the standard-bearer of the fallacious "participatory democracy " and the enemy of the proletarian class.

 

Roadblocks, mobilizations, and clashes are currently taking place in many regions against the far-right forces that dominate Congress, seeking to paralyze this organ of capitalist domination in order to force new general elections. But elections in this pseudo-democracy will never bring about the real and historic political defeat of the class enemy, and the workers do not yet have an organ to oppose the bourgeois parliament. This organ must be a People's National Assembly that represents all the oppressed and fights to seize power in the country. People's assemblies, struggle committees, and self-defense committees in every district and province are the means to build this power, without which there will be no present or future with justice and freedom. Let us organize ourselves into a revolutionary party and fight for a new workers' state!

 

An unlimited general strike to seize a government of the workers, peasants and the people!

 

December 12, 2022

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Peru: Re-organising, confronting the Regime and Defeating it!

By October 2025, the working peoples’ vanguard and youth of the country had become exasperated by the Fujimorist regime under Boluarte and her associates, and rose up in protests to bring down the bourgeois regime. Highly discredited by the acute crisis, Congress dismissed Boluarte and handed power to Jeri with the task of suppressing the masses and maintaining the same regime until the change of government on July 28, now under growing pressure of the terminal crisis and Trump’s regime attempts to counter China's inroads in the hemisphere, regaining control of Peru, shutting the backdoor of the Americas to its BRIC rivals. (ILTT) 

From Boluarte to Jerí, the regime that emerged from the Fujimorist coup celebrated its third anniversary by imposing a succession of puppets on the people and extending the state of emergency in the capital for 30 days, as a guarantee against any popular response to its project of widespread impoverishment.

The regime of corporate and political mafias rules a country that has been mired for decades in plunder, corruption, crime, toxic mining, drug trafficking, rampant deforestation, and now extortion and mercenary activities, all at its whim. What concrete responses does it offer to the worsening needs of the working masses? For example, the imminent decree for a " definitive restructuring " of the privatization of Petroperú, dismantled in the 1990s by the dictatorship of Fujimori Sr., the precursor to the current dictatorship. Petroperú was relentlessly sabotaged by the ruling class to justify its privatization. For example, by spending billions of soles on the purchase of vehicles and military equipment, such as aircraft and combat submarines—the latter under a contract with South Korea, a key player in the American imperialist order in Asia. This is something the upper class does not neglect in order to maintain its power-sharing relationship with the corrupt and murderous military establishment.

 

Trump himself sent a proposal to the US Congress to designate Peru as a non-NATO strategic ally, in accordance with agreements the United States has with Mexico, Colombia, Panama, and Chile on security and defense, trade, drug trafficking, and migration. Foreign Ministers Marco Rubio (United States) and Hugo de Zela (Peru) met in Washington earlier this month to declare a “convergence of regional security and defense priorities ” stemming from the new national security strategy approved by the US government. The following week, a US delegation of “security specialists” arrived in Lima with the mission of “advising” the government of Jerí and strengthening strategic cooperation.

 

In short, Trump and his fascist team secured the active support of the Peruvian state for their intense policy aimed at creating a scenario of world war between the Western (NATO) and Eastern (China-Russia) imperialist blocs. " Deepening economic and trade relations " and " promoting new investment opportunities in strategic sectors such as critical minerals and infrastructure " were logically part of this renewed bourgeois subservience, according to the Peruvian Ministry of Foreign Affairs statement, while 2,000 kilometers from its own shores, the US Coast Guard seized ships laden with Venezuelan oil and its air force had already murdered over a hundred ship crew members with the direct complicity of the puppet governments of the Dominican Republic, Trinidad and Tobago, Grenada, and the imperialist Netherlands through its overseas provinces (Curaçao, Aruba, Bonaire).

 

The bourgeoisie and its dominant far-right wing hope to easily boast of the constitutionality of their regime after the elections next April, having resorted to the shameless trick of restoring the bicameral system explicitly rejected in the 2018 referendum. At the same time, they will seek to re-establish a clear majority in Congress, which will continue to include a significant number of direct representatives of its various mafias. But that's not all. The bourgeoisie also still needs an institutional buffer for its reactionary plans, which the various leaderships of the popular trade union bureaucracies and the proletarian and petty-bourgeois political apparatuses provide with considerable opportunism. Immersed, as always, in the electoral carnival, the entire pseudo-liberal left vies with pathetic enjoyment for the attention of an oppressed people whom it has deserted for almost a century, this time under three different neo-liberal guises: neo-Ollantism, Castillism and progressivism.

 

The languishing vestiges of traditional Stalinism, represented in the mass movement by the CGTP's high bureaucracy, bear historical responsibility for the defeat of the uprising in the South and other Central and Northern provinces in 2023. They refused, as they have throughout their history of betrayal, to lead the working class and the exploited toward the overthrow of the existing regime and the establishment of a revolutionary proletarian power that would crush the murderous ruling class. The indifference or rejection they have repeatedly faced from the most conscious and combative sectors of the workforce is once again being expressed, including at the ballot box.

 

Down with the Fujimori dictatorship, lackey of imperialism.

Let us strengthen the mass movement to build genuine organs of class power.

Unitary struggle committees, popular assemblies, defense fronts, self-defense columns… towards a national people's assembly.

Let us forge the revolutionary party of the workers' vanguard.

Workers' and people's government!

 

December 30 2025

 

[Note: The ILTT does not use the term 'people' but rather 'workers' when referring to assemblies, or governments. For us, 'workers' is inclusive of all those who labor for a living, (e.g., domestic workers, the unemployed, peasants etc and, of course, those employed in wage labor.]

https://luchamarxista.blogspot.com/2022/12/

https://luchamarxista.blogspot.com/2025/12/

 

 

 


Tuesday, February 10, 2026

On the Current World Situation

 



The current world situation is pre-revolutionary. The bourgeoisie cannot govern through democracy and must resort to fascism, and the working class cannot live without world socialist revolution. How we will get there becomes the urgent question of reviving the revolutionary party and the program to end fascism and build socialism. We present our vision of how the conjuncture is caused by a terminal crisis, leading to wars and counter-revolutions, driven by rivalry between the two imperialist blocs for leadership in the distribution of the global economy. Next, we present our program for a new revolutionary international, the only alternative that can resolve the crisis of leadership, paving the way for socialist revolution and restoring the balance between nature and society.

Terminal crisis means that capitalism has reached the limits of its capacity to generate sufficient profits to accumulate capital. Concretely, this means a fall in labor productivity caused by an increase in organic composition (an increase in the capital/value ratio), where constant capital, which does not increase capital, surpasses variable capital, which increases value. Hence the Law of the Tendency of the Rate of Profit to Fall, the LTRPF. This law is uneven, affecting the most advanced capitals (USA and EU) before those that have recently emerged, such as China and Russia, where the cost/value (C/V) ratio has not yet drastically imposed the Law of the Tendency of the Rate of Profit to Fall (LTRPF). Therefore, competition between imperialist powers favors those that produce sufficient value to increase profits at the expense of those that can no longer produce sufficient value to prevent the fall in the rate of profit. 

The LTRPF expresses itself as the struggle for total value produced. The winners can increase profits by economically outperforming the losers. The losers (the US and the EU) are forced to resort to war, economically, politically, and militarily. This law has developed and intensified since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990, when growing economic and political rivalry inevitably led the US to go to war against “radical Islam” in Afghanistan and the Middle East. Furthermore, after 2008, the US began targeting its existential rivals, the emerging powers Russia and China.

The capitalist crisis leads to the destruction of productive forces worldwide and widespread attacks by bourgeois governments against workers. As a result, enormous migratory waves emerge across all continents, working conditions deteriorate, the environment is irreversibly destroyed, the bourgeois democratic regime is in crisis, and fascist groups emerge, attempting to channel mass dissatisfaction. We can see that the terminal crisis forces a zero-sum (potentially nuclear) military confrontation between the declining West and the rising East.

The pursuit of natural resources and commercial and technological monopolies is fueling a new neocolonial race to destroy and disintegrate entire peoples and territories. It is in this context that we understand the genocide in Palestine, the bombings against Venezuela, the wars in Africa sponsored by imperialist powers, the threats against Colombia, etc.

Faced with terminal crises and the destruction of the conditions for the existence of capital, the task falls to the proletariat (all those who need to work to survive, whether urban or rural, manual or intellectual, etc.), the only class with the potential to unite, organize, and defeat dying capitalism. For Marx, the bourgeoisie had already exhausted its historical mission of overthrowing the Ancient Regime when, in Europe in 1848, it joined forces with the remnants of the aristocracy to block the rise of the working class. Since then, the proletariat has been the only class capable of undertaking the historical task of eliminating both reactionary classes with a program of permanent revolution – completing the tasks of the bourgeois revolution as part of the proletarian revolution.

The Bolshevik Revolution was the ultimate test of permanent revolution to date, and yet its example did not lead to other proletarian revolutions. More critically, the failure of the German Revolution was a failure of revolutionary leadership in the absence of a Leninist party and program. This historical defeat was exploited by bourgeois reactionaries to pave the fascist path and destroy what remained of the revolution. We face wars and counter-revolutions in which the failure of revolutionary leadership has allowed the contradiction between nature and society to explode into eco-catastrophe and genocide, which can only end in socialism or barbarism.

Building a new international revolutionary party and program is an urgent task, but it cannot be done overnight without preparing the foundations for both. The party is the democratic organization of the most advanced workers, who debate the program for the revolution and then unite to put it to the test in practice. In the current pre-revolutionary conjuncture, in which there are small Marxist revolutionary groups (mainly, but not necessarily, Trotskyist), it is necessary to seek consensus on the fundamental principles of the program, raising demands that can be put into practice to test their effectiveness, for better or for worse.

What are these basic principles? First, who can join the party? Only the working class has the power to make the revolution. No other class is revolutionary, and the petty bourgeois who choose to join the revolution must prove their worth in practice. Party membership is based on agreement with the democratically defined program, which is then tested in the class struggle and corrected by the same process of democratic debate and majority vote. The method behind the program is transitional; it raises immediate demands to meet the elementary needs of survival, from jobs, wages, health and housing, to united fronts against fascism and wars that end with the overthrow of the bourgeois state and the creation of a socialist workers' state.

We have applied Lenin and Trotsky's program on the war against imperialism. In imperialist countries, the main enemy is at home; we call upon the workers to turn their weapons against the ruling class. In oppressed countries, we are building an international united front against imperialism to crush the Stalinist/Maoist popular front with imperialism. We are forming military blocs without offering political support to the bourgeoisies whose interests align with imperialism, against the socialist revolution. We are fighting to assume leadership in the war to defeat imperialism in both the East and the West and pave the way for national self-determination.

We follow Trotsky, who advocated accepting military aid from rival imperialisms, unless they are engaged in direct inter-imperialist war over oppressed countries, in  which case we apply revolutionary defeatism.

None of these demands for a permanent revolution can be met by capitalism in terminal crisis, while fascism seeks to destroy the proletariat. It labels workers as national enemies and starves, imprisons, and murders them. The fascist reaction has put workers' tactics to the test. For example, fascists cannot be defeated by votes or pacifist protests. Workers must be armed and organized to defeat state forces and their paramilitary groups. In this process, workers' demands will escalate, moving from basic defense to strikes, armed pickets, militias, and political strikes. Only when the fascists are defeated and the workers have power in the streets can the socialist goal of destroying the bourgeois state be achieved and replaced by a workers' government and a workers' state.

In this situation, we revolutionaries have an obligation to undertake efforts to build an Anti-Imperialist Front on a global level; to create international committees of struggle that can support the struggle of oppressed peoples against neocolonialism from a revolutionary and socialist perspective; to build a permanent support network for the struggle of the working class in an active internationalism; to conduct joint campaigns against the Imperialist War; and to create the conditions for overcoming the crisis of revolutionary leadership through concrete units in the class struggle.

  • Revolutionary Workers Group - GTR
  • Revolutionary Workers' Alliance - ART
  • International Leninist Trotskyist Tendency - TLTI